Our struggle to set up an independent, revolutionary and internationalist workers' strategy of the Argentine working class

Statement by the Internationalist Workers League - Fourth International (LOI-CI) / Democracia Obrera, member of the FLTI

We must defeat the anti-worker attack of the Fernandezes and the PJ, the transnational corporations and the union bureaucracy

Down with the Social Pact of hunger and surrender!

Today it is the Fernandezes Government which has to defend the interests and businesses of all the dominant classes of the nation. So, as such, it is a direct agent of big capital represented by the UIA (Manufacturing bosses' Chamber) and the transnationals. All of them, settled in the economic crash, the Covid and the tragedy the masses are living with millions of unemployed, and sustained in the betrayals of the union bureaucracy, have declared war on the labor movement.Blackmailing with unemployment and the flexibilized work of 11 million workers, now they come for everything. They seek to make the entire workforce more flexible and to sink the wages of the entire working class. Meanwhile the big employers are financed with the taxes paid by the people, through the ATP (Emergency Program of Assistance for Work and Production, TN) and Repro II (Benefits for employers in the context of the Reactivation of Production Plan, TN) , the workers gains are taken away from them. The Fernandezes Government has guaranteed up to the last dollar of the superprofits to the soy oligarchy, the grain transnationals and the imperialist mining and oil companies so that they plunder the nation and take these superprofits abroad. The Fernandezes Government, based on the traitors of the union bureaucracy, has come to impose the plan of the “Argentina maquila”, thus offering the capitalists, the oligarchy, the bankers and the large transnational corporations a slave working class ... to make their investments "profitable" in the future. That is why the incorporation of the "ministers without portfolio" of the union bureaucracy (the guarantor of the subjugation of the working class) into its cabinet, is a key issue.Meanwhile, through the bureaucrats' signing of bargaining agreements of hunger and super-inflation, the capitalists recover their profits month after month. The high living cost of cannot be endured anymore. The 4.8% monthly increase in inflation only in March outpaces the wage increases for the whole year signed in the agreements. Not to mention the situation of underemployed workers, workers in the black economy, etc., while most of the exploited already live in destitute conditions.

Now, the Peronist government is negotiating with the IMF the postponement of debt repayments through guarantying insurance payment collection. This is none other than the entire wage bill and the subduing of the nation's labor force; such a rate of profit will be taken from it, so that there remains a surplus that allows imperialism to collect the external super-debt that not only the Macri government contracted, but also all the Peronist and UCR ones and the 70's military dictatorship.

As if something else were missing from this fierce anti-worker attack, the union bureaucracy, as a loyal hound-dogof the capitalist system, its governments and its state, has guaranteed to de facto liquidate the collective bargainings, as we have already said,  imposing salary caps of 20% or 30 % below inflation. The indigence wages of a large part of the industrial and service unions demonstrate this. Even the $ 93,000 minimum, vital and mobile wage that the oil-mill workers "got" , have been left far behind inflation.
The tragedy of the Covid pandemic is thrown on the shoulders of the workers and the popular classes. The cynicism of the government and the bourgeois politicians, ruling party and "opposition", has no limits. They have raised a great smoke screen. In this health crisis they only defend and save the interests of their class, of the members of the ruling class who are well protected in their country houses, villas, ranches, luxury cabins, etc. All together lifted the quarantine when it came to doing business with the tourism of the middle classes at Easter, and now they are “horrified” by the “second wave” of the Covid.The "struggle" over "physical presence" in the classrooms is an electoral campaign.The teachers during an entire pandemic year have been distributing food to parents and children in schools, without any type of protocol, and were exposed to Covid daily in 2020. Families and children of millions of exploited people make long lines in the school dining rooms and the community soup kitchens, where, like slaves, they receive a miserable plate of food.Overcrowded in houses and neighborhoods without any kind of sanitary protection, travelling at "rush hours" on full trains and buses and producing in prison-factories, 80% of the workers get sick and droves die from Covid. That is the example of the Toyota plant in Zárate (Buenos Aires Province) where 1,500 workers out of a total of 5,000 were infected, 500 only this last week. The same happens in all factories and establishments, where thousands of workers have already died, being infected on the production line.This government of the capitalists does not defend the workers nor is it going to defend them. They, along with the ART (private insuranceagencies in charge of surveying laboral healthconditions and covering healing of  laboral accidents and workplace contracted diseases, NT), are the ones that force the workers to go back to work just 7 days after they are detected with Covid. THEY ARE SCOUNDRELS!
The Fernándezes, then, come to continue the work of Marci’s government and to pay off his debts.

The union bureaucracies are the guarantors of the offensive plan of those on top against the working class. They are "ministers without portfolio" of A.  Fernandez cabinet, together with the great employers of the UIA

Argentine political life and the strength of the Government and the entire regime do not pass through the rubber stamp bourgeois Parliament, which is completely ignored and only exists to deceive the people. On the contrary, all the decisions they take over millions of exploited's lives are planned in Fernandezes' true cabinet: the UIA, the Stock Exchange, the Chamber of Commerce, the Rural Society and the IMF, together with the entire union bureaucracy that guarantees, as a true internal police within the workers' movement, the compliance of these plans and the bargaining agreements sellout, so that Argentina would be a "maquila". They are true "ministers without portfolio."The bourgeois State, in a totalitarian and absolutist way, through the Professional Associations Law, controls the unions at will, preventing any independence, collecting union dues in a compulsive way and putting money in the pockets of the bureaucracy. Thus it is the millionaire union leaders who guarantee the subjugation of the working class in the factories and leave the industrial reserve army at the mercy of the alms of the city and town mayors and the so-called "social movements" led by the Church and the regime´s Left.The parliamentary Left screams and shouts, demanding "Parliament to work and make decisions." A fallacy. Every time it does, it only votes measures against the poor people or tiny concessions to deceive the great masses and sweetenthe harshness of the domination of the possessing classes.Bourgeois democracy can no longer contain or channel the internal contradictions between the classes and has even abolished all "minimum democratic rights" of the working class. It has destroyed the union freedom, free association and the right to workers assemblies. Every worker activist who tries to organize his factory to defend himself from the bosses attack or to recover the internal commissionof his factory or his union from the "for-life" dictatorship of the bureaucrats, is brutally fired, persecuted and repressed. This is what the dictatorship of capital is all about at a time when it can less and less be sweetened by the charlatanism of the bourgeois Parliament.

Supported by the arch-reactionary Constitution of 1853-1994, the President acquires the powers of a King and it is the justice of the possessing classes that is in charge of defining the "disputes" between the bourgeois gangs.

The democratic freedoms that have been lost can only be recovered if the working class manages to unite its ranks, defeat the union bureaucracy, thus recovering the independence of the unions, which are now state-ized, and break with the hunger bureaucrats like Grabois (head of the larger unemployed movements, NT) and the (catholic) Church that subdue millions of hungry to the Ministry of Social Development. They are the administrators of the misery of the slaves without work in the former "piqueteros" movements. They are true "red" leaders on behalf of the government and the regime, which have long ago led the unemployed movement to an impotent struggle, liquidating the demand for decent and genuine work for all, for which the picketers of Mosconi, Cutral Có and all over the country in the '90s and 2001.
We are facing a brutal state-ization of the unions and mass organizations that any Bonapartist regime or military dictatorship would envy.To defeat the Bonapartist character of this regime and this infamous government, the only way out is to defeat the Social Pact sealed among the government, the UIA, imperialism and the union and piquetera bureaucracy.In the midst of the current catastrophe, every claim of the masses, however minimal, leads to a direct clash with the government, this infamous regime and all its institutions.This Social Pact is openly supported by the oligarchy, the "soy homeland" and the transnationals. They were not taken a single peso of their exports and super-profits from agricultural income. For this reason, the oligarchy takes great care to support and welcome the government in all its measures against the masses. This happens except when the UIA (Manufacturing Companies Chamber) gang and the large industrial employers want to impose on soybean, food crops & livestock oligarchs to lower food prices in the domestic market so that the brutal attack on workers' wages can somehow pass as the cost of living diminishes.  The Argentine oligarchy, the transnationals in the countryside and the grain companies have long ago decided that they will not be the ones who will pay part of the workers’ wages by lowering the price of their commodities and food. When the limit of that clash is reached, all the "courage" of the Fernándezes ends. We already saw it before Vicentin oil-mill proposed expropriation and in the cowardly Grabois fleeing like a rat with his oligarchic-that-was partner from a country estate in Entre Ríos (they had formerly occupied, NT)They do not touch a hair of the Larretas (PRO's H. Rodriguez Larreta is Buenos Aires City mayor, NT) and the "opposition" politicians of the PRO, while they did go to repress the pickets of the dock workers that were struggling and make the courageous meat workers of ArreBeef walk through the courts in the middle of quarantine .

Carrying the struggles into a sole unified torrent to defeat the Social Pact of the Peronist government with the union bureaucracy is the way to achieve the political independence of the workers. This clash is the one that every serious struggle that the workers have been giving in this last year raises, as we have already said. The government has responded in a cynical, cruel and brutal way, with deceptions and lies, launching over each of the workers' struggles, isolated by the union bureaucracy, all the forces of the state, the bosses, their gunmen, the judges and the repressive forces to defeat them.
The Peronist party, that of López Rega and Triple A, that of Guardia de Hierro, that of Luder and Herminio Iglesias, that of Menem, and also of the Kirchnerites that brought the bourgeoisie out of the “hell” of the Argentine revolution in 2001, knows very well what this new wave of fierce struggles and resistance from fringes of the working class that has started against their government is about.Today the working class is facing the second part of the Menemato, and this despite the fact that the left considers the Fernández government as “progressive”, as if there were some “progressive” bourgeois.

In the 1990s, Menem, with a union bureaucracy totally co-opted to the state, handed over all state-owned companies to international finance capital. His great partner was the union bureaucracy, and many bureaucrats ended up as entrepreneurs, associated with the privatized companies. It was a government that took the State-ization of the unions to extreme limits.
The representatives of this Fernandezes government in the ports and on the Paraná River waterway are secretaries and cadres formed by the Menemato. These charlatan cadres of the Peronist bourgeoisie now speak of "defense of sovereignty" when the concession contracts granted by Menem in the 1990s are in the brink of expiring, but the only thing they go out of their way is to associate with the transnationals, which are the ones that really manage foreign trade, exports, imports, and which will surely be left with the new tenders for ports and waterways of the nation. To associate itself, this Peronist bourgeoisie gives the imperialist companies the 500 workers laid off at the port and the precariousness of the entire workforce as a bargaining chip.It is the government of Kicillof and his henchmen that is preparing to finish "dynamiting" the Rio Santiago Shipyard (as Macri tried to do), maintaining a lockout and 3,000 workers out of production for a year now ... They speak of "sovereignty" when they cannot even finish 2 ships for the Venezuelan oil fleet that have been moored for years. They are phonies.
Like all native bourgeoisie, they are junior partners of imperialism, declared enemies of the working class.

A new labor movement emerging from crisis and catastrophe, is
confronting the Peronist government of Fernández in tough fighting

Faced with the war declared by the capitalists and their government, the workers have presented very tough battles for wage increases, for housing, against layoffs, against job insecurity. Some of these were and are witness struggles and each one of them has raised an open political confrontation with the government.In the meat industry, like yesterday Penta and today ArreBeef, the workers, surpassing the traitors of the union bureaucracy, tried by all means to open a fight for wages.In Guernica (a dormitory town in the southern metropolitan area of Buenos Aires City, NT), thousands of workers sought to resolve their desperate situation by conquering land to live on. The reason is no working family can pay a rent with an income of 25 or 30 thousand pesos/month (u$165/200 per month)The health workers of the Alto Valle have risen up and, bypassing the union bureaucracy, set up a true Interhospital movement that encloses Neuquén and Río Negro provinces and with their pickets are surrounding Vaca Muerta shale oil field, paralyzing the oil and gas production with which  the entire country is fed.A great battle was fought in the Port of Buenos Aires: after a year of fighting against job insecurity, 700 BACTSSA workers from Terminal 5 took the fight into their hands with assemblies, putting their delegates at the head of their fight and for 12 days they stopped the port and paralyzed foreign trade. That struggle demonstrated, as if it were necessary, that it is the working class that produces all the wealth and goods of the nation and makes the country work.The cry of "we vote for them and this government attacks us and betrays us", which put the port strike on the table, indicates that we are at the beginning of the emergence of a new labor movement that is beginning to break all illusions with this anti-worker government of the Fernandezes, and to understand that to fight today we must openly confront the union bureaucracy and rely on the assembly, where the best fighters come from. This process is just beginning but is actually the path that the entire working class must travel if it wants to stop the attack of the capitalists and their government.

The Argentine bourgeoisie learned from the blows that the labor movement gave it in the great struggles of 2000-2001.  After Macri's failed attempt, this bourgeoisie has put in place and synchronized a general staff ready to attack and defeat the labor movement throughout the country.This is how we saw it in Guernica, where they set up a staff of conspirators and organizers of the eviction of that land occupation. Berni (Buenos Aires Province Minister of Home Security, NT) pretended that he would not intervene directly and also pretended to be looking the other way. The  B.A. Ministers of Social Development and Housing and Governor Kicillof made "lists" to supposedly deliver promised lands (which never appeared), while their spokesmen negotiated the conditions for the lifting of the takeover. When the occupiers were divided with the announcement that "there was going to be no repression," Commander Berni's troops entered and evicted the humble settlers who only asked for land to live on. After this "odyssey", the rulers congratulated each other for their actions on all the television channels and newspapers of the bourgeoisie, which applauded them.
We are facing a government of repressors, supported by the union bureaucracy, as we have already said, that after removing the picket of the dock workers with more than 1,000 federal troops, entered the port with assault cars and tanks to force workers into surrendering.Now the legal telegrams are arriving with criminal lawsuits to the delegates and the companies even want to make workers pay for the "damage caused to the operations of the port," as a result of workers' demands.Today the dock workers are resisting supported by the assembly and their delegates. In a few days, the Terminal where they work will be removed from the port. The workers are besieged. The government does not backtrack an inch.The lives of the companies, the government and the union bureaucracy depend on the dissolution of the assemblies and the delegates; if not, workers could enter organizedly the rest of the Terminals, maybe even without getting their current wage claims. But this would place the revolt of all the rank-and-file workers of the port on the top of the agenda, this time from within, against the treacherous leaders. The bourgeoisie understands this perfectly. And the ongoing operation has the aim to dissolve the assembly and harshly attack its delegates.The struggle is at its decisive moment, with the tragedy that Terminal 5 has been isolated, not only from the rest of the port, but uncoordinated from the rest of the sectors that are fighting and resisting capitalists’ attack.The union bureaucracy announces in the port that they are going to negotiate and get several gains demanded in the struggle. Their aim is breaking the unity of the assembly and re-impose the regime of the bureaucracy of hunger and surrender, to the despair of the workers and their families. They are a bunch of cynics. They are the domestic police into the labor movement. Everything that the dockers could get above the 441 agreementwould have been won by the fight they waged; not because of the negotiation of those who left them isolated and handed over their comrades.All the institutions of the state, the government, the police, the companies and the bureaucracy encapsulated this struggle. They pushed BACTSSA's retirement plan from Terminal 5 forward a year to defeat their workers and then advance on all dock workers. As Meoni, the late Minister of Transportation, liked to say: “we want a port like New York, with 95% outsourced workers, who work only when it is necessary to unload the ships and with a minimum wage of established daily wages…”.An anti-worker plan of the infamous Social Pact regime advances in the Port of Buenos Aires, not without a very tough resistance from its workers.

The struggle for bread, against the high cost of living and job insecurity are the demands that spark the current fighting and are leading the working class to clash with the government and openly fight against the union bureaucracy

It is noteworthy that these latest struggles have arisen as a result of the unbearable situation of the workers, whether due to layoffs, precariousness, miserable wages or homelessness, and their understanding that in order to stand up they must break with the “straitjacket” of the union and picketer bureaucracies.
In the case of ArreBeef meat-processing plant, the assembly was the body with which they ousted a large part of the union bureaucracy in their area and put the national meat bureaucracy in serious pressure. The people of Perez Millan town kept fighting, but they were isolated. The union bureaucrats and other currents “of opinion” that came to support their struggles, advised them to hand over the 1,500 cows for processing they had taken "hostage". Workers did so and they were left without strength. The offensive fight for a wage increase ended in a defensive fight against the layoffs of 500 workers and the persecution of the fighters. The bosses declared the lockout and today there are 65 comrades touring bourgeois courts and 500 who have not yet entered to work. From these experiences, from the lessons of how the enemies of the workers' struggles behave, the combative vanguard of Argentina must be nurtured.                                                                                                            

In their heroic struggle, the workers did not finish setting up a strike committee that would have taken the full leadership of the conflict in their hands and would have openly broken with all interference from the national union bureaucracy. Just when that process was being forged, came the centralized counterattack of the bosses, the government and the union bureaucracy.
A new wave of struggles such as in the port or the health workers of the Alto Valle (Neuquen/Río Negro Patagonia provinces, NT) has arisen with a hatred for bureaucracy on a higher ground, an issue that pushes them to set up bodies of self-organization and direct democracy that lead to an open clash with the government and the bureaucracy.
We are facing a class war. Those at the top have a powerful and centralized staff. Those below are made to fight divided and with our old organizations against us workers.                                       

Learning will be slow, even hard. But in the experience of the struggle, a new workers' vanguard is already being shaped, since each of these battles is a symptom that those below can no longer continue to live as they have been up to now, nor can they support the conditions of control of the union bureaucracy and state over their lives.
Drawing lessons from this tough resistance means advancing in the collective learning of the fighters. And for this, the first thing to say and affirm is that the greatest "weakness" and "immaturity" of these combats are the treacherous leaderships: the union bureaucracies that left each of these workers' struggles isolated so that the government, bosses and the state hit them hard.

The reformist program of the regime's left, running contrariwise the current fighting of the working class

The reformist left is another obstacle for the fighting vanguard. They awaken illusions in bourgeois parliamentarism and at every step they refuse to unify the struggles. Meanwhile, they do unify their parliament benches.The self-proclaiming politics of the reformist left asphyxiates and stifles any attempt to set up workers' self-organizing bodies. Seeing the union collaterals of the PTS, reduced to their militants (who have all the right in the world to meet as a union faction), trying to fit within themselves in a self-meeting made by themselves, the live and multitudinary assemblies and bodies of militant delegates like those of the dock workers or the Interhospital, shows not only a self-proclaiming policy, but that reformism really clashes with the masses and with reality. The era of self-proclaimed social democratic parties is long over.The FIT-U knows perfectly well that any attempt and step towards the self-organization of the working class and the setting up of organizations with direct democracy would leave itself totally weakened in the hearts of the masses. Their role in the regime is disciplining and controlling the left wing of the working class and submitting it to the bourgeois Parliament.

In the unemployed movement they have quitted the fight for decent work. A criminal policy for the occupied working class and for the unemployed, who are only organized to beg for and receive alms. This means breaking openly with the Argentinazo struggle, where the picketer movement at the beginning of the 21st Century stood up fighting for decent work for all and joining their fight with the occupied workers at every step. This is how the subway workers conquered the 6-hour shifts, who threw themselves on the tracks while the picketer movement blocked the different accesses. Fighting for decent work, more than 200 companies and factories were occupied, and they began to produce at that time under direct workers' administration.The program of the piqueteros of the North of Salta still resounds, who with their 21 points, written in blood on the routes and roadblocks, surrounded the privatized oil companies to be re-hired as workers with full rights. They demanded decent work and did not rule out taking away some partial concession while they were fighting against the bourgeoisie, but this was to make their struggle to be part of a national movement that, as we saw, together with the employed workers and the ruined middle classes ended up overthrowing the scoundrel De la Rua from the Government House.Any current that claims to be “socialist” and does not fight for decent work and to conquer the unity of employed and unemployed workers, promoting the hour reduction of the shifts (so that there are more shifts a day, NT) together with the demand for a wage increase for everybody, divides the working ranks and makes impotent the workers' movement as a whole, which is far from posing an anti-capitalist policy.

For an independent and revolutionary strategy of the working class

As we have said, on Saturday 4/17 there was a meeting of the union collaterals of the PTS and the MST. The only concrete resolution they dared to take was to call for a mobilization just for 4/27. This resolution does not get along with reality, with life itself, with the course of the current struggles. It is now when the freedom of the ArreBeef workers is at stake, the same as struggle of the port workers, the claims of the aeronautical workers and the fate, among others, of the enormous battle of the Neuquén health workers' pickets.A march on 4/27? This runs the risk of being a funeral march. The fact is that the FIT-U, which cannot unite in the struggles, will march on 4/27 to unite towards May 1 and prepare its intervention in the next elections. Regrettable.
Today the dock workers are fenced off. Who can believe that 600 isolated workers betrayed by all the union bureaucracies, who gave a heroic struggle in the worst conditions to win the base of the entire port, can it alone stop the plan of reconversion of the ports and job insecurity of all workers in the shipbuilding industry?Leaving the struggles isolated, refusing to coordinate them and coming only to give a lip service "support" to each one of them amounts to going to applaud defeats.

The strongholds conquered by the left of the working class in broad sectors, under the leadership of the parliamentary Left, become an obstacle to the development and triumph of the struggles that are underway.The combative unionism has not taken the lead in coordinating the sectors that are currently fighting. It has not put the full weight ofits strength into it, at all.Nothing has prevented or prevents today the left from proposing to the Assembly and body of port delegates, to the Alto Valle Interhospital, to the Acindar workers, where the left leads the Internal Commission, the whole of wich are the most advanced of the current struggles, that summon together with all the forces that claim militant unionism, such as the SUTNA, the oil-mill workers, the railway workers, opposition SUTEBA (teacher union TN) locals and hundreds of union groups that FIT-U parties lead, together with the drivers of Line 60 who are returning to the struggle, and together with the piquetero movement that mobilizes tens of thousands in the streets, to set up a National Struggle Coordinator of employed and unemployed workers. The demands are clear. The most immediate of them is "down with the unions' and piquetera bureaucracy", for a decent wage for all, a reduction in the working hours/day to have one more shift in all factories, decent work for all and that the crisis and the catastrophe be paid by the capitalists and imperialism, which are the ones that have caused them.
The setting up of a powerful united workers' front and mass self-organization that coordinates the current struggles from the grassroots, would put at the order of the day the conditions to prepare a counteroffensive of the working class.                                                                                                                  

This is the way for the struggle of the dock workers of Terminal 5 not tobe isolated and do have the strength to drive an uprising of all the workers of the port of Buenos Aires and why not, of the whole country.Actually, there is no solution favorable to the workers that is lasting and until the end facing the change of the concessions in the ports, if the transnationals are not expelled and the renationalization is imposed without compensation and under workers' control.Against the cheap demagoguery of the bourgeoisie and its famous "defense of sovereignty", what this fight raises is the fight for the renationalization without compensation and under workers' control of all the companies that were privatized and sold out by the Menem Government, the PJ and all the bourgeois parties of the '90s. In this way we will be able to recover the port, the mines, the oil, and also expropriate the imperialist bankers who fled 350,000 million dollars abroad, leaving the country bankrupt and sunk.
The fight of the piquetero movement for bread and decent work is a fight against the high cost of living of the entire labor movement and other exploited and oppressed layers of the people. This puts the fight for land ownership at the order of the day.It is a shame that movements that claim to vindicate the combative origin of the piquetero movement of the 1990s and 2000s, do not dare to raise a single demand for the expropriation of the Argentine oligarchy, of its states, its meat processing plants,its marketing chains and its lands, which have always been expropriated from the people and the nation.

Because the demands for bread, living wages, against job insecurity, put at the order of the day for the working class to resume a revolutionary path, that of the Argentinazo, the Cordobazo and the Coordinators in 1975  which faced the Peronist government.
In each of these and the present struggles the working class reassumes the method of the Assemblies and begins to set up Factory Committees to recover the Unions and Workers' Organizations to fight. This was attempted by ArreBeef and was conquered in the port and in the Interhospital of Neuquén. The fight to recover internal commissions and delegate bodies with base assemblies in each fight or in their preparation, is the task of the moment. Coordinating these bodies of direct democracy with the committees of unemployed, flexibilized and outsourced workers, is a matter of life and death.
There is no decisive action of the working class that is not repressed by the forces of the State. The setting up of self-defense committees in each struggle is an urgent need, which the workers' vanguard already understands perfectly.
The struggle to set up a revolutionary piquetero bloc that breaks with the begging to the bourgeois state and retakes the fight for decent work, could well be the advance of the fight against the union bureaucracy of the CGT and the CTA, to recover the unions and the workers' organizations.
There is nothing to prevent the opening of this path. The real crisis is that the working class does not have the leadership it deserves.

Isolated struggles cannot break the limit imposed by the concentration of state forces and all its perfidious mechanisms to defeat and crush them. The casualties in the process of current struggles must be economized. The diversion of the fighting in 2001 and the different waves that accompanied it, meant a trend of dismissals and partial defeats that decimated the forces of the workers' vanguard, while more and more the parliamentary left "grew" with their votes. That is not and cannot be the way since this "growth" collided with the limit imposed by the bourgeois regime that has reserved them the role of acting as a left-wing containment to the left wing of the working class.
The way for the working class to succeed, is that we close the way to so many defeats, starting by coordinating those who are fighting, alerting the vanguard and the best fighters that in isolated struggles it is not possible to go "all or nothing."Decisive offensives can only be advanced if those combats are coordinated with broad layers of the struggling workers. That is what the dock workers tried to do with their picket line, seeking the uprising of the rest of the port workers. The same is soughtby the health workers in the Alto Valle. They cannot be kept isolated.

To leave the present strongholds conquered by the workers vanguard in the last years, like the SUTNA, Acindar, Oil mills workers, Railway workers, the opposition SUTEBAs, etc., immobilized, and to separate them from the new processes of struggle against the bureaucracy and the Peronist government, is to prepare bitter defeats today and even in the near future of these strongholds conquered in previous struggles. Because at this moment their most important task is the fight for the workers' demands together with the fight to defeat the state-ization of the unions. The struggle against the union bureaucracy is inseparable from the struggle to put an end to the compulsory deduction of union dues, with the interference of the state in the regulation of the life of the unions, with the interventions of the Ministry of Labor, with the millionaire management of  the unions welfare system and with the leaders-for-life, who are screwed to their chairs for 2, 3 or 20 mandates and have transformed the ascension to the leadership of the unions into a professional career.
In fact, the government, the capitalists and imperialism are coming for everything. There is neither social peace nor "progressive" government with the arrival of Biden, the head of NATO and the CIA, in the White House in Washington. From there these anti-worker governments are commanded and from the entrails of their transnationals all the trade union bureaucracies of Argentina and the entire Latin America are bought and corrupted. From the Pentagon all the repressive forces, police and armies of the region are coordinated, with a strategy decided and voted in the conferences of the Lima Group. Its resolutions can be summarized as: "let us protect the peaceful and crush the unruly". This is what the actions of the repressive forces in Guernica, in the port, in ArreBeef, in Penta and a very long etcetera are all about. That is what the 2,500 political prisoners in Chile and the rampant repression of the Brazilian working class left are all about. That is the meaning of the 2019 attack by the Áñez coup government and the fascist forces of Bolivia on the best of the workers of El Alto.
The Fernandezes's is a government of a gang of capitalists who are direct agents of imperialism, as is also the gang of Macri and his henchmen. One indebted the country and made money for everyone; and the other comes to repay the debt with the sweat of the working class.

The struggle for class independence is an imperious necessity today. Every immediate economic struggle leads directly to a confrontation with the Peronist government. At this stage of events, to create any illusion that this is a "kind" and "progressive" government is criminal. The task of the moment is to set up the bodies of coordination and self-organization of the working class, the assemblies, the factory committees and the unemployed committees to recover the unions and fight for decent work.
We Trotskyists, revolutionary socialists, know that all the attempts of previous generations to set up a revolutionary party under the banners of the Fourth International in Argentina have failed, no one has been up to the historic struggles of the Argentinean proletariat such as the 1969Cordobazo, the clash between Peronism and the Coordinadoras of the 1970s, the Argentinazo of 2001 and a very long etcetera. Opportunism or ultra-left impotence were an absolute limit to its construction. For decades the outbreak and crisis of a Fourth International subjected to Stalinism had their expression in Argentina. We know of our small forces, but we struggle to be flesh and blood of this new workers' vanguard that is emerging. Our program and strategy are decisively linked to it. The advanced workers must strengthen deep ties with and draw lessons from the previous generation that saw its attempt frustrated in the Argentinazo of 2001 by the reformist politics of what later became a left that has supported the regime and bourgeois parliamentarism, which aborted any process of revolutionary construction in the left wings that emerged in the working class in the class clashes of the 1990s and in the beginning of the 21st. century.
We know that we will put Argentine Trotskyism back on its feet, fighting to recover our world party, the Fourth International, and fighting and accompanying the working class so that it can set up the organizations fit for the combat it needs to be able to fight back the attack of the capitalists.Along with this decisive task, it is an obligation of the Marxists to put all our forces so that the working class overcomes the limits imposed on them by the treason of the leaderships that submit the workers to the bourgeois state or at every step divert their struggles, sweetening this rotten regime of the exploiters and this rotten capitalist system. It is a question of marking to the exploited who are their allies and who are their enemies.

It is abundantly clear that only successful workers' and socialist revolution will be able to resolve entirely the current catastrophe suffered by the great masses. Only a workers' and popular government, supported by the self-organization and arming of the masses, will be able to resolve the minimum and immediate tasks of expelling imperialism from the nation, recovering the lands, expropriated by the oligarchy, for the people to eat and putting an end to this slave-owning, anti-worker and worker-murdering bourgeoisie.
A race against time has begun for the Argentine working class to weigh in the national political life, to stand up and prepare a counter-offensive against this government agent of imperialism and against the traitors of the trade union bureaucracy.

From Workers Democracy / Democracia Obrera we invite all the fighters and the rebellious youth to unite our forces and strengthen the internationalist revolutionary movement of the world working class. We call on you to set up a revolutionary nucleus to develop an independent, revolutionary, internationalist and anti-imperialist working class strategy of the Argentine working class, supported by the immense forces that the working class is already deploying.To situate the new generation of revolutionary workers in the conditions of the battlefield of the international class struggle, in its international obligations and in the tasks set forth imposed by the imperialist offensive, is a challenge to conquer that will open the road to a fusion of the revolutionary internationalist forces that fight under the banners of our world party, the Fourth International, with the most advanced and hardened of the Argentinean proletariat.