USA  - June 4th 2017

Correspondence with the anti-imperialist fighters of the Syrian revolution of USA
From the paper “The Truth of the Oppressed” of Syria

Good morning

First, let me express my deepest respect for the courage of your comrades and for the efforts of your international current in building solidarity with the Syrian revolution.
I would like to know more about your proposals, both directly in Syria, and also in regards building an international solidarity movement.

I will share some thoughts in the meantime.
Our own efforts, here in the US have been focused on building a united front against the regime and Russia's bombing campaign and against the sieges.
Our small group took up the demand for a No Fly Zone, raised by Syrians in the LCCs grouped together in Planet Syria, but we recognized that other solidarity forces, among them the Latin American Trotskyist currents and the International Socialist Organization, rejected that demand, so our committees attempted to build a united front that left unresolved, to be discussed, which specific demand should be raised.
This effort at a united front met with some initial success, as there was interest among the Syrian American and diaspora community. So in collaboration with activists from that community and other solidarity activists, in particular from the Committees in Solidarity with the People of Syria and with Syria Solidarity UK, we formed Syria Solidarity International.
However, by in large, the anti-Assad revolutionary left, among them the US sections of Morenist currents and the ISO, showed no interest whatsoever in the project, which stalled in part because of this sectarian attitude by the left. The Syrians saw that we could not bring forces to the table and began turning inwards, the fall of Aleppo accelerated this process.

 

Ann and I are currently working on a renewed effort to build Syria Solidarity International (SSI). We are planning on a conference of Syrian activists for the end of July. Our speakers are being invited to discuss the perspective now that the regime has been stabilized, and to discuss the orientation we should adopt as a solidarity movement--what our organizing priorities should be and which demands we should raise.

Our antiwar committees are also pursuing building a national discussion with activists about how to build an opposition to the War on Terror.
That sums up briefly our activities.
We are also making efforts to build a solidarity campaign with Syrian political prisoners.

When I say our, I mean our shared activities, Ann and Salek are involved locally in other efforts in Washington DC and Chicago.
So, at risk of misunderstanding, which I am sure you can help clarify, it seems to me that our focus differs from yours in that you appear to concentrate your solidarity work around support for the armed struggle. We have consciously avoided support for specific wings of the armed movement, or any leaderships for that matter, focusin on solidarity with the struggle broadly speaking and specifically opposing the regime's oppression.

This brings me to my first questions. In the post of yours that I shared (https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1144055045699676&id=994001207371728), you call for uniting the armed factions and reopening an offensive against the regime.
Is there reasonable grounds for expectations that an offensive can be launched? What has changed that would allow a united opposition to overcome the regime's succesful use of a strategy of scortched earth (the bombing and the sieges)?
I venture to say that your proposal appears to rest on the balance that the Assad regime's gains are based on divisions within the armed movement, and poor leadership. There may be considerable truth to this analysis (I honestly cannot say), but it seems this balance underestimates the impact of the bombing.

I can be reached at any time to discuss organizing a solidarity movement to break the isolation of the Syrian struggle for democracy and in opposition to the "War on Terror". I have little more than my own hands and heart to offer to such an effort, but these are at the service of any leadership with a proposal for this task.

To be clear, I am not interested in propaganda campaigns for political currents. I want to talk about building a united front to break the isolation of the Syrian revolution by appealing to broader forces. This is not the first time I have raised the concerns I shared recently, nor sadly, I am sure, will it be the last. My comrades and I have tried repeatedly for the last 3 years, to no avail, to build a solidarity movement.
In our efforts we have pursued discussions with multiple Trotskyist organizations. Our goal has been straightforward and simple: build a united front to oppose the Assad regime's ruthless bombing and sieges, and get aid to the refugees. Now we are taking up an effort to build solidarity with the political prisoners. We are eager to build alliances to achieve these ends. Unfortunately, no Trotskyist has ever taken us up on this effort, although their press continuously calls for support for the armed struggle against Assad. If we are isolated in our efforts to demand aid for refugees or to organize actions to oppose the bombing, is it serious to propose building a campaign for the "triumph" of the armed struggle? Frankly, I consider such talk to be frivolous, and I say this after having spent some 30 years of my life as a Trotskyist.

Until we seriously grapple both with the ongoing threat of physical extermination of the Syrian revolution and with the near total isolation of the Syrian struggle, there is little basis for a serious discussion.

You may ignore my concerns, as have so many others, or you may respond at your convenience.

Sincerely,
David Turpin Jr.