Argentina - March 25th, 2017

Speech at the rally made in Buenos Aires on March 25th, 2017
In the month of the sixth anniversary of the Syrian revolution 

Tribute to the revolutionary socialists that fought in the Syrian revolution

The world workers movement rose as an international class. The working class that fought in huge struggles from the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century saw itself as a single world working class.
The internationalist revolutionaries confronted the betrayal of Social Democracy, which voted to march to war in 1914 and took the workers to kill each other in the First World War, each one subordinated to their own bourgeoisie. This is how the revolutionary movement of the imperialist epoch arose; the one of Lenin, Rosa Luxembourg, Liebknecht, Trotsky...

Victory of Stalinism in the former USSR meant the rise of labour aristocracy and bureaucracy against militant internationalism. Furthermore, Stalinism reached the point of claiming that socialism in one country was possible. So it had his hands free to end up selling out the international socialist revolution.
In 1943, Stalinism succeeded in dissolving the Third International and prepared the foundation of the Society of Nations (the current UN) together with Britain and USA, the winning imperialist countries in the butchery that was World War Two.
Stalinism and Social Democracy sold out the internationalist movement of the working class and became the biggest obstacle it has for the victory over the exploiters. However Trotskyism and the Fourth International kept alive the fight for internationalism in the workers movement.

The civil war in Spain in 1930s was an example of how the world working class acted there. From Argentina, 600 workers from 10 unions went as volunteers to fight there.
In May Day, every year, workers of the world staged general strikes in support of Chicago Martyrs that were killed because they fought for a working shift of 8hours a day

 

The workers movement arose as a world working class, but all the treacherous leaderships, servants of the bourgeoisie, transform it into a national class. That is to say, they destroyed its character as a class that can shake the world. While capital is centralized under the imperialist command, the working class remained divided in nations and cannot fight completely and show its entire strength.
Today, Latin America is full of metal-mechanic factories, as in Argentina or Brazil, but there is no common metal-mechanic union between those two countries. There are no common unions of the steel industry, the auto industry, the house appliance industry, the food industry or farming industry... The treacherous leaderships don't let them to be set up. They took militant internationalism away from the working class, when the transnational companies and their boards are the same.
We see this in Europe too, where the labour aristocracy and bureaucracy made the working class to be subordinated to the imperialist bourgeoisie and even worse, supporting the unity of the imperialist powers in Maastricht.
What is even more serious is that Castroism sealed an agreement with Obama, which left the US working class subjected to one of the worst attacks in its history, by losing gains and it sold out Cuba to imperialism.
"National Socialism" left the world proletariat full of defeats.

The first symptom of decomposition of the Fourth International was when it abandoned its militant internationalism, deserting from the setting up of an international general staff when Trotsky was killed. This led the Fourth International afterwards to be adapted to Stalinism in post second world war.

The Trotskyists of the 21st century are heirs of the fight of the internationalists against the First World War, of the internationalist leaders of the Third International that took over power in Russia, of all the milestones of internationalism that the world working class settled in its struggle, and the Fourth International founded by Leon Trotsky in 1938 as the stronghold of this struggle. The program and theory of the Fourth International proved to have passed the tests of history, but not those who spoke on their behalf.

To understand our presence in the revolutions of Maghreb and Middle East, we have to start from this conception and program of the Collective from the Refoundation of the Fourth International / FLTI.
Our current fought in Libya and Syria. We went to jail in Tunisia. We actively participated in the struggle of the Palestinian people against the occupation of the fascist Zionist state of Israel. This is and has been our militant praxis in the entire region.

When the revolution broke out in Syria and the whole Middle East, our current sought to be there. In Middle East we have seen the biggest fights of the working class at the beginning of the 21st century, such as the Palestinian revolution in 2001 against the fascist Zionist state of Israel, the resistance against US invasion to Iraq and Afghanistan, two counterrevolutionary wars that imperialism made in order to get out of its crisis. The entire imperialism was focused in that area of the planet. In both invasions to Iraq, 23 countries went together with USA. Bush and US imperialism made a self-attack on the twin towers to justify that invasion.
So how could a socialist, if it claims to be socialists, not put all his/her forces to take such heroic fight of the masses of Maghreb and Middle East to victory?
When it was the US invasion to Afghanistan in 2001, we saw the exploited of Pakistan to cross over the border to fight against imperialism. They crossed the borders as they could... in camels or in donkeys for example. All the "fancy" and "delicate" European leftists called them "barbaric people". They called the masses of Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and of the entire region "uncultured" when they were fighting imperialism.
However, our current recognized the militant internationalism in those workers. We said that they have more culture than any of the reformist left currents, because they are giving their lives and showing in life itself what international working class solidarity really is, and what an anti-imperialist consciousness against USA means. When USA invaded, they imposed a regime a million times worse, with more terror and oppression over the Afghan nation than that of the Taliban. They transformed Afghanistan into a colony, under occupation of the empire's troops, whose sole aim is to take away opium from the opium poppy for their big medicine labs and control the trading routs of Eurasia.

Every worker that enters into the fight knows that cannot last long without class solidarity. That is precisely what Stalinism and the reformist left destroyed, the international working class solidarity. In Europe, they use islamophobic rhetoric to create hostile feelings of the European workers against the Muslim peoples that fight for their liberation and against the plundering of their wealth. This way, they leave the masses of Middle East isolated.
Al Assad was supported from every corner of the world. Hezbollah, the Shiite bourgeoisie of Iraq and Iran, Putin, the Cuban army came out in his support. Even the Communists Parties sent volunteers to support this fascist, and no leftist current sent a single medication or bandage to help the resistance, while crying the masses were "religious".
How would the workers and the Syrian masses gain a leftist consciousness if these currents left them isolated? The biggest backwardness that the masses have is the betrayal on militant internationalism that the treacherous leaderships made. They said that the working class of Middle East were "travelling people", "backward people"... they threw the worst slanders against the workers that were fighting for the revolution. They were just fighting as any worker in the world fights for a raise in the wages, against the increase in the cost of living, against the same enemy, the same oil companies that are getting all the oil of Patagonia and signing the agreements in Vaca Muerta, Argentina, without the collective wage agreement.

When the islamophobic left of the labour aristocracy and breaucracy of the imperialist countries and the world sees the Yemeni people getting killed by the bombs of Saudi Arabia and all the servants of imperialism, they don't recognize an attack on the working class. In Yemen, while the poor peasants of the north suffer from the worst miseries, the working class of the capital city and the rest of the country is unemployed. That is to say, they are millions of unemployed exploited with nothing to eat except from hard bread.
This lackey left of imperialism will say "women use veil and they are backward". The pettybourgeois left doesn't recognize the working class when it is under conditions of extreme slavery.
Yemen is a country of workforce that is ready to be used at any time, paid by job and with miserable wages in any country of Maghreb and Middle East, working in the oil wells, constructing the big buildings of the Arab bourgeoisies and doing the worst jobs in touristic coasts and as slave labour force in Europe.
Yemen is a country that has turned into an industrial army of reserve, as it happens with many countries in Africa and Asia in a decaying capitalism that in its last crisis in 2008 expelled 800 million workers from their jobs.

In 1998, our current split with the PTS, a nationalist sect that today claims to have reached to the bourgeois parliament in Argentina as the left leg of the regime, but it couldn't get to any revolution or civil war where the exploited of the planet are fighting.
In the fight for the Palestinian revolution in 2001, our current established the first links to the Middle East. In Afghanistan, we saw the massacre in Mazar i Shariff, where USA killed 3000 unarmed antiimperialist Afghan fighters that were imprisoned there. We saw that in the fascist prisons of CIA and Guantanamo the prisoners were tortured so bad that even Hitler would feel ashamed.
We were born into the political life as a current with the Palestinian revolution of 2001. We transformed it into our banner of struggle in the intervention in Latin American countries, where we are.

One day, we saw an article on the Argentinan newspaper Clarin that there was an Argentinean fighting in Libya. He was young man that went to Palestine and when he was in Middle East, he saw the revolution to break out in Libya. He was moved by that huge revolutionary process and didn't hesitate in reaching there. He was part of that process and one day one of the fighters fell in the battlefront and he took his struggle in his hands. So he started his revolutionary task in the Libyan revolution and we met.
Between internationalist revolutionaries we find and recognize each other. Just to give an example, it is very well known the fraternal relationship and the joint internationalist action we have with a sector of the anarchists of Greece, with which we agreed in the fight for the Syrian revolution which they are promoting from inside the jails. We have huge differences, but we fight together because we have that point in common: we are internationalists.
We feel the same with the relatives of the 43 high school students that disappeared in Mexico. They went through the whole American continent to look for them.
We recognize with the international movement against the imperialist war in USA.
We recognize ourselves with the war cry of the outraged of the Spanish State: "immigrants, you are the sea of Madrid".

There are so many lovers of Che Guevara, but only in pictures and words. We have differences with Guevaraism about his far-left policy of focuses, about his relationship with the Stalinist bureaucracy of Moscow and many other points. Nevertheless there is something that cannot be denied. He fought in Cuba, Congo and Bolivia. This is called internationalism. That's why the Communist Party of Bolivia sold him out.
Che Guevara internationalism has nothing to do with Castroism today raising US flag in Havana and selling out Cuba to imperialism and what's even worse, supporting the executioners of the people as in Syria.
Castro has already done the same in the '70s in Chile, when he went to predict a "peaceful way to socialism" and ended up in the counterrevolutionary victory of Pinochet.

Our current took the fight of this Argentinean young man as its own, as he was fighting together with the workers rebel militias of Libya that were fighting against Qadafy, the biggest agent of ENI and British Petroleum. The Argentinean left turned a blind eye. They were subordinated to the Argentinean bourgeois regime and the parliament, so they couldn't take any brave measure to support the internationalist revolutionaries.
The Guevaraist currents said that this comrade in Libya was "fighting for NATO against Qadafy". And it turns out that Qadafy was the biggest agent of imperialism in the Middle East. He had 30 thousand million dollars in British Petroleum funds in London from his personal wealth. He was a trafficker of slaves... of the black workers from Southern Africa to Europe. The Libyan revolution was a heroic one. It destroyed the bourgeois state and even the murderer Qadafy's head rolled.
The world reformist left was left outside the Libyan and Syrian revolution. But our current immediately took those revolutions as our own. This is how the internationalists found each other.
The workers of Paty started to raise funds to send them to the rebel militias in Libya and Syria, such as the workers of Argentina, Chile and Europe did in the civil war in Spain for the workers that were fighting against Francoism.

Internationally, we have been part of the fight in defense of the Syrian refugees that went from Greece to Germany, from France to Spain, all around Europe with the demand "open the borders". We were together with them in the camps in Idomeni against the wire fences and marching through the highways of Europe. With Syrians, workers and youth of Europe we set up solidarity committees, of which we are part, and we did the same in Latin America, Africa and Japan.
When the French working class rose against the attack of the conquer of the 35 hours of work a week, we put the Syrian revolution banner in the Square of the Republic and we proposed to call it "the Square of the Commune".
We participated in multiple solidarity actions in the whole world, together with the refugee movement and Syrian communities in many countries, which rose a brave voice despite being isolated.
Our actions were and are a contribution to the heroic resistance of the Syrian people and of the thousands of antiimperialist fighters with which we are proud to have fought and die with.

Our current considers that it was normal what we did... it was our obligation, to reach the struggle of the masses in Maghreb and Middle East.
But it seems that this is something strange. The only thing truly strange is that no leftist current, not even those who claim to support the Syrian revolution, provided any real and effective solidarity with the masses that were in the battlefield in Syria.

Our current did what it was normal for an internationalist revolutionary. We took that struggle as our own. Thus we were part of an internationalist movement of volunteers, of internationalist workers, such as those workers that were going to fight to Spain. It is nothing sublime.

Today, the reformist left says: "here comes the Trosco-Jihadyist of Leon Sedov Brigade". Let's end with this myth. The Leon Sedov Brigade was set up as a committee of workers and youth that went to fight for the masses, to collaborate with them in the struggle they were having. It was an international solidarity action. It is nothing different to what the workers of the world did when they made strikes for the 8 hours a day shift in support of the Chicago Martyrs in May Day. It is nothing different to what the world working class did to go to fight in defense of USSR when it was invaded by 14 imperialist armies. It was nothing different to what the workers did in the '30s when they went to fight against Franco in the Spanish civil war because they know their future was at stake there.
This is what we did. The Simon Bolivar Brigade also did this when they went to fight in the Nicaraguan revolution from different countries of Latin America. This internationalist tradition of the working class is a slap in the face for all of those who turn a blind eye when there are massacres on the Syrian people, the Yemeni people or the Palestinian masses are oppressed by the Zionist fascist state of Istael. All those currents went to El Cairo to take pictures. They claimed that "democracy" and "arab spring" was here, but then they all left and slandered the revolution when fascism and civil war came.
We are proud of fulfilling our internationalist duty.

What the world reformist left didn't do it was done by the youth and the oppressed of the whole Middle East, as they saw that in Syria, the revolution they have started in their countries could be taken to victory. Firs Libya and then Syria was seen from Tunisia, Morocco and Yemen as milestones of a single revolution.

En un momento, el movimiento de voluntarios obreros internacionalistas que estaba peleando en Libia perdió conexión con nosotros. La revolución siria hizo de atracción de miles de jóvenes antiimperialistas. Y de un día para el otro, nos enteramos que de 10 a 15 mil libios se habían ido a pelear a Siria. Nuestros compañeros fueron con ellos porque los revolucionarios libios veían que revolución libia solamente triunfaba no en Trípoli sino en Damasco y Palestina. Veían que Qadafy era Bashar Al Assad y era el sionismo.

There was a moment where the movement of internationalist workers volunteers that was fighting in Libya lost communication with us.
This is where Leon Sedov Brigade is born as such, with the internationalist fraction of the Libyan militiamen that went to the tormented Syria to be part of the fight for the revolution to succeed. This is Leon Sedov Brigade, a wing of that internationalist antiimperialist movement of the Arab masses, with which we merged and we are happy to do so. Because those were the youth and workers that we are together with, in every feature in life and in the revolution. There is nothing that will separate us, because Trotskyism is in Syria, in Libya with the clean banners for which to fight and die.
We met and merged with leaders and cadres of the Syrian revolution that were looking for a revolutionary program to achieve victory. For the Syrian masses, it was no wonder to receive thousand of internationalist volunteers of the Arab people in their cities. The only ones that thought this was strange were the leftists servants of the transnational companies and imperialism, those who are socialists in words and traitors in the facts.
The big powerful workers movement of Maghreb and Middle East knows and recognizes itself. The workers share the same sufferings working together in the oil wells of that region, building the cities and luxurious buildings of the Arab bourgeoisies, partners of the transnational companies... Yes, it is a travelling working class, slaves, that don't recognize the borders imposed by imperialism after the world wars and recognizes itself as a single nation.

That's why a single group like ours could reach that far. For reaching that point, the condition is to be revolutionary not in words but in the facts. There are no excuses, except for betrayal, of not taking up the fight of the revolution in Syria, Libya, Yemen.

When USA sent Zionism to attack Palestine in 2008, with Operation Cast Lead, millions and millions of the workers of the world took to the streets in defense of Palestine, as it also happened before with Iraq against US invasion. But the slander of the treacherous left that said that the rebel masses of Libya and Syria were agents of imperialism, those revolutions were left isolated. If the Syrian revolution had 10% of the international solidarity that Palestine or Iraq had, it wouldn't have been massacred as it is being today. If a group like ours managed to put together lots of people and personalities of the Syrian vanguard of the entire world, as it was seen in this rally in the 6th anniversary of the revolution, what will the workers organizations of Latin America, USA or UK would achieved if they have a revolutionary leadership? They could stop the ships that send weapons to Assad, cut the water supply, the communications... This is how the invasion to Iraq was boycotted, with workers of the west coast of USA not loading the ships that were going to Iraq, taking to the streets all around USA and even making a picket against Bush in Camp David.

The Leon Sedov Brigade is not a military apparatus. We are internationalist volunteers that went to fight to Syria and we merged with a vanguard that was in civil war. From there, we fight for building up a revolutionary internationalist socialist party to take the working class to take over power not only in Syria but in the whole Maghreb and Middle East.
The Leon Sedov Brigade is organized in the Coordination Committees, where the people took the solution of their affairs in their own hands and took up the guns for self defense from Assad's massacre.
After that, Sunnite generals from Bashar's army moved into the side of the revolution at the last minute, in order to control the masses with funds and military control, to remove the weapons from the people and centralize them (or keeping them to themselves). They went there to impose discipline and dissolve the coordination committees. This is what the generals of Al Nusra and the FSA did, while USA, from the Sunnite Triangle of Iraq, sent the generals of Saddam Hussein dressed as ISIS, in order to control with terror the revolted masses from Raqa and Deir ez Zor. Those cities have oil wells and this is what they went to guard, trafficking oil as managers of those wells, in an agreement with Al Assad and Turkey.
Defending these Coordination Committees, we as internationalist socialists are together with thousands of Syrian workers and youth that don't accept this manipulation or to see bosses and millionaires that were together with Assad moving onto the side of the fight for bread and freedom only to sell it out.
This is how tens of brigades and groups inside the FSA and Al Nusra -or breaking with them- emerged. They fought and keep on fighting in sections of the resistance, respecting the freedom of beliefs and religion, defending self organization of those fighting for bread and freedom.

We are an internationalist revolutionary movement that thinks that the liberation of the workers will be done by the workers themselves. We believe in the international solidarity of the masses. We are part of the internationalist pan-Arab movement of the working class. We take as ours the fights of the working class in Iraq and in USA that in 2008 forced the imperialist beast to withdraw from that country. We take as ours the Palestinian intifada and the struggle of huge layers of the European working class that stands in solidarity with the refugees that arrived at the old world leaving their blood in the Mediterranean Sea.
The Leon Sedov Brigade is an internationalist fraction of the Syrian rebel youth, which, from the coordination committees, says that in order to defeat Al Assad, we need to expropriate imperialism and the capitalists that starve the people. It fights for the masses to be self-organized, to elect their officials in the battlefield and not to delegate. For supply committees to be set up, so the bourgeoisie of FSA or Al Nusra stops doing business by storing food and starving the people.
We are a revolutionary fraction that wants to convince the best of the vanguard to set up a revolutionary party to lead the defeat of Bashar the dog, with the method of the socialist revolution, supported in unity and solidarity of the world working class.

In this fight, our current knew its best members. We met Abu al Baraa nad Mustafa Abu Jumaa, socialist members and leaders of our international current.
We don't exchange the honor of fighting with them and to be in the most advanced of the international working class for 1.200.000 votes and the seats in the parliament that FIT has, as they were no good for the working class at all. The only thing they did was to poison their consciousness because they make them believe that victory is not through the fight in the streets and with the revolution but broadening this rotten democracy for the rich, which sooner than later will give birth to new Videla and Al Assad.

The Leon Sedov Brigade, an internationalist movement that went to fight to Syria, is enrooted in the vanguard. Today we honor its martyrs. But their blood has not been in vain, because we have accomplished a great achievement for us, a socialist revolutionary newspaper in Arabic called The Truth of the Oppressed. This is the scaffold to organize the revolutionary forces of the workers of Maghreb and Middle East. It is to organize this worker's network from the factories, the oil wells the resistance, wherever the workers have a gun or wherever they are in strike or struggle to get at least a piece of bread. This paper is to unite the workers of the whole region, to break the siege on the Syrian revolution, to organize the refugees that go around Europe and are in true concentration camps. This is the Arabic newspaper The Truth of the Oppressed.
The Fourth International speaks in Arabic, the language spoken by one of the working classes that fought the most and has been more punished over the last years.
Many of the articles of this newspaper have been translated into English, Portuguese, French... and lately to Russian. New generations of Russian revolutionaries are starting to get radicalized, confronting Putin the jackal, who is no less genocidal than Al Assad, the one that today massacres the Syrian revolution with him.
The newspaper The Truth of the Oppressed, translated into Russian, is the great revenge against the murderer Putin and the Great Russian oligarchy. They deserve for Bolshevism to return and, just as they did to Czarism, make them pay for so much counterrevolution and opprobrium on the working class and the people subjugated by the Great Russia.

In this sixth anniversary of the Syrian revolution we also count many dead. The revolutionaries had the same fate and tragedy of the Syrian revolution. If a revolutionary party has good results when the masses don't, then it is a party of traitors. If the masses get good results, the socialists will too. And if they don't, the socialist also, because our fate is tied to the masses.
We are proud of not receiving the condolences of the traitors. No current -whether those who claim to defend the Syrian revolution or those who are against it- sent us any note in solidarity for the socialist comrades (whether they consider to be mistaken or not) that have fallen in the battlefield fighting for their ideas and convictions.
This is the same as if we have kept silence when Carlos Fuentealba was killed just because he was from another party (MAS) or when Mariano Ferreyra (from PO) was killed. Beyond all differences, they fell fighting against imperialism and the bourgeoisie. It is a class obligation to stand in solidarity and pay tribute to those who die fighting for their ideas and for the cause of the masses, whether they are mistaken or not.
We know the reason why those condolences were not sent. The renegades of Trotskyism today are together with Stalinism, either supporting Al Assad openly or being "neutrals" thus in favour of the massacre on the Syrian resistance.

This is a symptom. It indicates that they have resolved that our current has to continue isolated from the world mass movement so we can be killed. The silence they keep is the complicity with the executioners of the revolution and our comrades.
Trotskyism was incarcerated and killed by Stalinism, because for them it is a matter of life or death that the revolutionaries don't reach the masses. Of course the Stalinists in the '30s wouldn't pay tribute to the Trotskyists that fell in the battlefield against Hitler in Germany or against Franco in Spain. Furthermore, Stalinism shot them in the back and rat them out. The attitude of reformism and this fake parliamentarian left today is the same that Stalinism had in the '30s and we are not surprised about that.

Revolutionary Marxism has characterized itself for passing tests and challenges. This is the toughest test we have lived. We went through the process of the '70s and military dictatorships in the Southern Cone of Latin America. We have seen in Syria fighters of historical quality as revolutionaries, and today they have taken up the banners of the Fourth International.
This is the case of comrade Abu al Baraa. We knew the story about how his father, comrade Mustafa Abu Jumaa, took the wheel of an ambulance because he felt that's what he could do for the fight, seeing his children in the battlefront. With that ambulance, he was in rescue tasks, at the service of all the rebels and even his children that were in the battlefront. This comrade found Trotskyism by picking up the wounded and the fallen.
The revolutionary movement reached Middle East and met the best of the vanguard to organize its forces, together with the best of its forces. This is a pride for our current.
We are proudly members of the party of Abu al Baraa and Mustafa Abu Jumaa, heroes of the Syrian revolution. This is no small thing. This is how our party, the Fourth International, was, full of heroes and the best fighters of the world working class.
We pay tribute to all the fighters of the Syrian revolution; to those brave fighters that bravely denounced that in Alepo there were enough food to feed the whole city for six months and weapons to reach Damascus. The Syrian revolution is full of comrades such as Abu al Baraas.

Abu al Baraa was member of the leadership of FLTI. With us, he was part of the international team that elaborated one of the most complete works on the Syrian revolution, the book Syria Under Fire.
When he strived to enter to Argentina and Brazil, it was not for tourism. He came to strengthen the international work of FLTI. The Syrian Trotskyism was set up as a fraction of the international working class and sent its leader to the international work. This was the greatest of Abu al Baraa, a true Trotskyist that exchanged the revolution in his country (Syria) for the set up of an international revolutionary leadership.

Therefore the best tribute we can make to the comrades is to build the revolutionary party of Maghreb and Middle East and to raise the cadres to avenge this tragedy of the Syrian masses in the next or current revolutions across the world.
We have to draw lessons to raise revolutionary cadres that can be the seed for the refoundation of 1938 Fourth International, forged in revolution and in the theoretical-programmatic struggle against reformism and revisionism. They are the cadres that in each country will be able to pass the tests of revolution and counterrevolution.
We have to set up revolutionary parties such as that of Lenin that in the midst of the victory of the October Revolution in Russia said they were willing to exchange that revolution for the victory of the German revolution.
The world is moving in the middle of a capitalist chaos and the bankrupt of the world imperialist system. US imperialism has started a true weapon race that will be followed by tens of countries to come out of their catastrophes and economic disasters.
Reformism is settled in the high layers of the labour aristocracy and bureaucracy and in the bourgeois parliaments. It goes in the opposite way of history and the catastrophe which is already here and is dragging entire sectors of the planet to the crisis and crack. Syria is not the exception. It is and will be the rule each time more.
We are shaping cadres for the revolution, those who say to the masses of Maghreb and Middle East that we couldn't succeed in our revolutions because the exploited didn't take over power. Our struggle was betrayed by the agents of capital in the entire world workers movement.

In this fight, we pay tribute to the revolutionary masses of Maghreb and Middle EAst and those thousands of workers in Europe and USA that started to take to the streets to break the siege on the Syrian revolution.
We salute the hundreds and thousands of youth that today are following and taking up the banner of the relentless fight for the victory of the revolution and against every pact, such as that of Geneva that sells out the fight. We stand in solidarity with the huge sufferings of a persecuted people in the borders of Syria and incarcerated in the imperialist Europe.
From this point and with the honor we had of fighting together with the rebels in the resistance, we pay tribute to Abu al Baraa, Mustafa Abu Jumaa, Abu Issac al Janubi, Hamza al Twil, Mohammed Sheikh al Jeb, Mohammed Abdallah, Mohammed al Hamudi, Abu Attia, Abu Nur, Abu Mwawyah Al-Massry, Abu Mussa Al-Jazaery, Abu Al-Qayss Hesham, Abu Salamah, Sanad Abu Khattab, socialist fighters of the Syrian revolution.

Until socialism, always!

International Secretariat of Coordination of FLTI