OCTOBER 24th 2018: SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF THE FALL OF ABU AL BARAA
IN THE FIGHT TO BREAK THE SIEGE OF ALEPPO

 

TRIBUTE TO THE REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISTS WHO FOUGHT AND FELL TOGETHER WITH HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS OF WORKERS AND YOUNG REBELS IN THE SYRIAN REVOLUTION

They are an example of internationalist struggle of the world working class

March 25, 2017

The world workers’ movement emerged as an international class. The working class that fought and carried out huge battles in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, saw itself as part of a single world working class.
The internationalist revolutionaries faced the betrayal of the social democracy that voted for war credits in 1914 and led the workers to kill each other in the First World War, each subject to its own imperialist bourgeoisie. Thus arose the revolutionary movement of the imperialist epoch, that of Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin, Liebknecht, Trotsky ...

The victory of Stalinism in the ex-USSR meant the revolt of the aristocracy and workers' bureaucracies against militant internationalism. Even Stalinism went so far as to state that socialism was possible in only one country. Thus it had free hands to finish selling out the international socialist revolution.
In '43, Stalinism managed to dissolve the Third International and prepare the founding of the League of Nations (today UN) together with England and the United States, the imperialisms triumphant of the carnage of the Second World War.
It was Stalinism and before social democracy that gave the internationalist movement of the working class and have become the greatest obstacle that it has for its victory over the exploiters. But Trotskyism and the Fourth International kept alive the struggle for internationalism in the workers' movement.

The Spanish Civil War in the 1930s was an example of how the world labor movement acted. From Argentina, 600 workers from 10 unions came out as volunteers to fight there.
On May 1, every year, the workers of the world made general strikes to support the martyrs of Chicago who were massacred for fighting for 8 hours.

The labor movement emerged as a world working class. But, as we see, all the treacherous servants of the bourgeoisie transformed the working class into a national class. That is, they destroyed the character of a class that moves the world. While capital was centralized under the imperialist leadership, the working class was divided into nations, prevented from fighting and demonstrating its full force in history.
Today, Latin America is full of metalworking factories, for example in Argentina and Brazil, but there is no common metalworking union of the two countries. There are no common unions of steel mills, automotive, white goods, textiles, food, agro-industry. The treacherous directions are the ones that do not let them set up. They took militant internationalism out of the working class, when the transnationals and their boards are the same.
We see the same in Europe, where the aristocracy and the workers' bureaucracy subjected the working class to their respective imperialist bourgeoisies; and even worse, they support the unity of the imperialist powers in Maastricht.
What is more serious is that Castroism sealed an agreement with Obama that left the working class in the United States subject to one of the worst attacks in its history with loss of conquests, while selling out Cuba to imperialism.
"National socialism" filled the world proletariat with defeats.

The first symptom of the decomposition of the Fourth International was that of abandoning its militant internationalism, abandoning the construction of an international staff at the death of Trotsky, a question that led it to adapt to Stalinism throughout the postwar period.
The Trotskyists in the 21st century are the heirs of the fight of the internationalists against the First World War, of the internationalist leaders of the Third International who took power in Russia, of all the marks of internationalism that the world working class put in its battles and the IV International founded by Leon Trotsky in 1938 as the last bulwark of this struggle. The program and the theory of the Fourth International have amply proved the test of history, but not those who spoke in its name.

With their internationalist struggle, the revolutionary socialists arrived in the Maghreb and Middle East, in flames by the fire of the revolution of 2011

To understand our presence in the revolutions of the Maghreb and the Middle East, we must know this conception and this program of the Committee for the Refoundation of the IV International / FLTI.
Our militants fought in Libya and in Syria. We ended up in jail in Tunisia. We actively participate in the struggle of the Palestinian people against the occupation of the Zionist fascist state of Israel. That has been and is our militant praxis throughout that region.

When the Syrian and Middle East revolution began, our current sought to arrive. In the Middle East there were the biggest fighting of the working class at the beginning of the 21st century, like the Palestinian revolution of 2001 against the Zionist fascist state of Israel, the resistance against the Yankee invasion in Iraq and Afghanistan, which were counterrevolutionary wars of imperialism to get out of its crisis. All imperialism was concentrated in that area and in that war. In the two invasions of Iraq, 23 countries went together with the US, Bush and Yankee imperialism self-attacked the twin towers to justify their invasion.
When in 2001 we saw the US invading Afghanistan, we watched the exploited people of Pakistan cross the border to fight against imperialism. They crossed the border as best as they could, in camel or donkey for example, and all the "fine" and "delicate" Europeanizing left said they were "barbarian peoples". In other words, the Iraqi, Afghan, Pakistani and regional masses who confronted imperialism were told they were "uneducated".
But our current knew how to see the militant internationalism of these workers. We said that they are more educated than any of the currents of the reformist left, because they are giving their lives and demonstrating in life itself what is the international solidarity of the working class, and what an anti-imperialist consciousness against the Yankees means. When they invaded, they proved to impose a million times more a regime of terror and oppression on the Afghan nation than the Taliban itself. They turned this nation into a colony occupied by the troops of the empire, whose sole objective is to take opium from the poppy for its large medicinal laboratories and control the trade routes of Eurasia.
Every worker who enters a struggle knows that it cannot last long without class solidarity. And precisely what Stalinism and the reformist left destroyed is the solidarity of the international working class. In Europe, they use an Islamophobic verbiage, from which they create hostile feelings in the European workers against the Muslim peoples who fight for their liberation and against the plundering of their riches, and in this way, they leave the masses of the Middle East isolated.
Al Assad was supported from all over the world. It was Hezbollah, the Iranian and Iraqi Shiite bourgeoisie, Putin, the Cuban army, even the Communist Parties sent volunteers to support the fascist Bashar, and no leftist current sent a single medicine or bandage to help the resistance, while crying that the masses "were religious."
How are the workers and the Syrian masses going to be left-wing if these currents left them isolated? The greatest backwardness the masses have is the betrayal of the militant internationalism that treacherous leaderships carried out. They said that the working class of the Middle East were "nomadic peoples", "backward", the worst slanders against the workers who fight in the revolution. They are like any worker from any part of the world who fights for an increase in wages, against the high cost of living, against the same enemy, who are the same oil companies that are keeping Patagonia and Vaca Muerta in Argentina, liquidating the collective agreements of work.

The Islamophobic left of the workers’ aristocracies and bureaucracies of the imperialist countries and the world, when they see the Yemeni people massacred by bombings by Saudi Arabia and all the Gurkha forces of imperialism, do not recognize an attack on the working class of that country. But the reality in Yemen is that, while the poor peasants of northern Yemen suffer the worst, the working class in the capital and the rest of the country is unemployed. That is to say, there are millions of exploited unemployed with only hard bread to eat.
This Left, lackey of imperialism, will say "women wear chador and are backward". It is a petty-bourgeois left that does not recognize the working class in conditions of extreme slavery.
Yemen is a country that shelters a workforce available to be used at any time, by piecework and by alms in any country of the Maghreb and the Middle East, working in oil wells, in the lavish constructions of the Arab bourgeoisies, in the worst jobs on the tourist coasts and as slave labor in Europe.
Yemen is a country that has become a reserve industrial army, as is the case with so many countries in Africa and Asia, in a decadent capitalism, which in its latest crisis of 2008 has expelled 800 million workers from their jobs.

In 1998 our current breaks with the PTS, a nationalist sect that today boasts of having reached the bourgeois parliament of Argentina, as the left leg of the regime, but has not been able to reach any revolution or civil war where the exploited of the planet fight.
In the fight for the Palestinian revolution of 2001 our current established the first ties in the Middle East. In Afghanistan we saw the massacre of Mazar i Shariff, where the US murdered 3,000 unarmed anti-imperialist fighters who were imprisoned there. We saw that in the fascist prisons of the CIA and in Guantanamo, prisoners are tortured so treacherously that it would make Hitler's torturers blush.
We were born into political life as a current with the Palestinian revolution of 2001. We transformed it into our banner of intervention struggle in the countries of Latin America, where we emerged.

One day, we saw in the newspaper Clarín a story about an Argentine fighting in Libya. He was a young man who had gone to Palestine, and when he was in the Middle East he saw that revolution broke out in Libya. He was moved by that enormous revolutionary process and did not hesitate to get there. It was part of that process and one day one of the comrades fell on the battle front, and he took his fight. Thus began his revolutionary task in the Libyan revolution. That's how we met.
Among revolutionary internationalists we meet and we recognize ourselves. To give an example, it is public the fraternal relationship and common internationalist action we have with a wing of the anarchists of Greece, with whom we agree in the fight for the Syrian revolution, which they drive from the prisons. We have huge differences, but we fight together because we have that common ground: we are internationalists.
We feel the same with the relatives of the 43 teachers who disappeared in Mexico, who traveled the American continent looking for their children.
We recognize ourselves in the international movement against the US imperialist war.
We recognized ourselves with the war cry of the indignados (the outraged) of the Spanish State "immigrants, you are the sea of Madrid”.
There are many "lovers of Che Guevara", but by photo and by word. We have differences with Guevarism, about its “foquist” policy, its relation with the Stalinist bureaucracy of Moscow and so many other points. But there is an undeniable fact. He fought in Cuba, in Congo and Bolivia. That is called internationalism. That is why the Communist Party of Bolivia handed him over.
What has that internationalism of Che Guevara got to do with Castroism today planting the Yankee flag in Havana and handing Cuba over to imperialism, and what is worse, supporting the executioners of the people as in Syria?
This had already been done in the '70s in Chile when he went to preach the "peaceful way to socialism," which ended in the counterrevolutionary victory of Pinochet.

Our current quickly took up the struggle of this young Argentine who fought alongside the rebellious workers' militias of Libya, which confronted Qadafy, the greatest agent of the ENI and British Petroleum. The Argentine left looked the other way. Their submission to the Argentine bourgeois regime and their puppet parliament did not allow them to take any courageous action to support the internationalist revolutionaries.
The Guevarist currents said that this comrade "fights for NATO, against Qadafy". And it turns out that Qadafy was the greatest agent of imperialism in the Middle East. He had saved 30 billion dollars in British Petroleum in London, from his personal wealth. He was a great slave trader of black workers from South Africa to Europe. Libya was a heroic revolution that destroyed the bourgeois state, and even claimed the head of the assassin Qadafy.
The world reformist left was left out of the Libyan and Syrian revolution. But our current immediately took them as their own. Thus, the internationalists meet.
The workers of Paty (meat industry) of Argentina began to collect money to send funds to the rebel militias in Libya and Syria, as the Argentine, Chilean and European workers did in the Spanish Civil War for the workers who fought against the Franco regime.

At the international level, we have been part of the struggle in defense of the Syrian refugees, who from Greece to Germany, from France to Spain, toured Europe with the demand to "open the borders". We were in the Idomeni refugee camps, breaking through the fences and marching on the European routes, setting up, with thousands of Syrians and young people and European workers, solidarity committees, as we did also in Latin America, in Africa and in Japan.
When the French working class rose up against the attack on the conquest of the 35 hours of work per week, we put the flags of the Syrian revolution on the Republic Square and proposed to call it "the Commune Square".
We participate in the whole world of multiple actions of solidarity, in unity with the movement of refugees and Syrian communities in several countries, which, despite the isolation, raised a courageous voice.
Our action was and is a contribution to the heroic resistance of the Syrian people and the hundreds of thousands of anti-imperialist fighters, with whom we have had the pride to fight and die.

Our current considers that what he did was normal, what was our obligation, to reach the revolutionary struggle of the masses of the Maghreb and the Middle East.
But it seems that it sounds weird. The only weird thing here is that no leftist current, not even those claiming to support the Syrian revolution, brought any real and effective solidarity with the masses that were on the battlefield in Syria.

Our current did the normal thing for an internationalist revolutionary, we took that struggle as our own. So we came together and formed part of an internationalist movement of volunteers, of internationalist workers, as were the workers who were going to fight in the Spanish Civil War, nothing sublime.

Today the reformist left says: "There, are the 'trosko-jihadists' of the Leon Sedov Brigade". Let's end with that myth. The Leon Sedov Brigade, emerged as a committee of workers and young people who went to fight for the masses, to collaborate with their struggle in an action of international solidarity. Nothing different from what the workers of the world did when they struck for 8 hours in support of the martyrs of Chicago on May 1st. It was nothing different from what the world working class did to go to fight for the USSR when it was invaded by 14 imperialist armies. It was nothing different from what the workers did in the '30s, who were going to fight against Franco in the Spanish Civil War because they knew that their future was being played out there.
We did that, as did the Simón Bolívar Brigade going to fight in the Nicaraguan revolution from different countries in Latin America. All this internationalist tradition of the world working class is a slap in the face for all those who look the other way when the Syrian, Yemeni people are massacred, or the Palestinian masses are oppressed with the Zionist-fascist state of Israel. They all were going to take pictures of Cairo, saying that "democracy" and "Arab springs" were coming, but they all disappeared and slandered the revolution when fascism and civil war came.
We are proud to have fulfilled our obligation of militant internationalists.
But what the reformist world left did not do, was done by the youth and the oppressed of all the Middle East, who saw that there, in Syria, the revolution that had begun in their countries was triumphing. First Libya and then Syria was seen from Tunisia, Morocco and Yemen, as milestones of the same revolution.
At one point, the movement of volunteer internationalist workers who was fighting in Libya lost connection with us. The Syrian revolution attracted thousands of young anti-imperialists. And from one day to the next, we learned that 10 to 15 thousand Libyans had gone to fight in Syria. Our comrades went with them because the Libyan revolutionaries saw that the Libyan revolution only triumphed; not in Tripoli, but in Damascus and Palestine. They saw that Qadafy was Bashar Al Assad and he was Zionism.
Thus the Leon Sedov Brigade was born as such, with the internationalist fraction of the Libyan militiamen who went to be part of the combat of the martyred Syria, so that its revolution could triumph. That is the Leon Sedov Brigade, a wing of that internationalist and anti-imperialist movement of the Arab masses, with which we merged and are proud of having done so. Because, there, were the youth and the workers that we accompany until today in their fate, in their life and in their revolution. And there is nothing else that separates us, because Trotskyism arrived in Syria, arrived in Libya, with clean flags to fight and die for.
There, we met and we merged with leaders and cadres of the Syrian revolution, who were looking for a revolutionary program to achieve success. It was not strange for the Syrian masses to receive thousands of internationalist volunteers from the Arab villages in their cities. Only this seemed odd to the creeping left of the transnationals and imperialism, to the socialist by word and traitors in deeds.
The workers of the massive and powerful labor movement of the Maghreb and the Middle East know each other. They share the same hardships working together in the oil wells of the region, building the cities and lavish buildings of the Arab bourgeoisies, partners of the transnationals. Yes, it is a nomadic working class, a slave one, that does not recognize the borders imposed by imperialism after the world wars and recognizes itself as a single nation.

If the Syrian revolution had had 10% of the international solidarity that there was for Palestine and for Iraq, it would not be massacred as it is. If a group like ours managed to bring together personalities of the Syrian vanguard around the world, as was reflected in this act-tribute, 6 years after the Syrian revolution, what would not be able to be done by the workers’ organizations of Latin America, from the United States, from England with a revolutionary leadership on its front? They could stop the ships that send weapons to Al Assad, cut off the water, communications. In this way the invasion of Iraq was boycotted, with the workers of the west coast of the USA not embarking the ships that went to Iraq, winning the streets of all the USA and even making pickets to Bush in Camp David.
The Leon Sedov Brigade is not a strange military device. We are internationalist volunteers who went to fight in Syria and converged with the vanguard that was in the civil war. We fight from there to set up a socialist and internationalist revolutionary party to bring the working class to the seizure of power, not only in Syria but throughout the Maghreb and the Middle East.
The Leon Sedov Brigade is organized in the Coordination Committees, where the people took in their hands the resolution of their affairs and the weapons to defend themselves from the Assadist massacre.
Then, the Sunni generals of the Al Assad army changed sides at the last minute to the side of the revolution to control the masses with funds and manu militari, to take the weapons from the people and centralize them -or rather keep them-. They did it to discipline and dissolve the Coordination Committees. That is what Al Nusra and the FSA commandos did, while the US, from the Sunni Triangle of Iraq, ordered the generals of Saddam Hussein, dressed as ISIS, to control under a regime of terror the revolted masses in Raqa and Deir Ez Zor. There, are the oil wells that they went to take care of, trafficking the oil as managers of the same, in agreement with Al Assad and with Turkey.
Defending these Coordination Committees, we located the internationalist socialists along with thousands of young Syrian workers who did not accept the manipulation of the FSA and Al Nusra generals or see bosses and millionaires, until yesterday Assadists, who changed sides to the fight for bread and freedom only to sell it over.
This led to the creation of dozens of brigades and groups within the FSA and Al Nusra, or outside them, who fought and continue to fight from the resistance, who respect the freedom of creed and religion and defend the self-organization of those who fight for bread and freedom.

We are a revolutionary internationalist movement that believes that the liberation of workers is the work of the workers themselves. We believe in the international solidarity of the masses. We are part of the internationalist pan-Arab movement of the working class. We make ours the combats of the working class in Iraq and the USA in 2008 that forced the imperialist beast to withdraw from that country. We make ours the Palestinian intifada and the struggle of huge stripes of the European working class in solidarity with the refugees who arrive in the old continent leaving their blood in the Mediterranean.
The Leon Sedov Brigade is an internationalist fraction of the rebellious Syrian youth, which from the Coordination Committees suggests that in order to defeat Al Assad, it is necessary to expropriate imperialism and the capitalists who starve the people. we fight for the masses to self-organize, to choose their officers on the battlefield. Ley they not delegate. May committees of supply set up so that the bourgeoisies of the FSA or Al Nusra stop doing business hogging food and starving the people.
We are a revolutionary fraction that seeks to convince the best of the vanguard to set up a revolutionary party that leads the defeat of the dog Bashar, with the method of socialist revolution, supported by the unity and solidarity of the world working class.

In that fight, our current met its best militants. We met Abu Al Baraa and Mustafa Abu Jumaa, who were socialist militants and leaders of our international current.
We do not change this honor to have fought with them and to be in the most advanced of the struggle of the international working class for the one million 200 thousand votes and all the seats that the FIT has, which do not serve the working class at all, except to poison his conscience, because they make it believe that its victory is not in the streets or in the revolution, but expanding this rotten democracy for the rich who, sooner or later, will give new Videlas and Al Assads.

The Leon Sedov Brigade, that internationalist movement that went to fight in Syria, is rooted in the vanguard. Today we honor their martyrs. But their blood has not been spilt in vain, because he a huge achievement has been set up for us, which is a revolutionary socialist workers’ newspaper in Arabic called The Truth of the Oppressed. This must be the scaffolding to organize the revolutionary forces of the workers of the Maghreb and the Middle East. It is a key to organize that workers' network of the factories, the oil wells, the resistance, where the workers have a gun or where they fight in the humblest strike for a piece of bread. It is a key to unite the workers of the entire region, to break the siege of the Syrian revolution, to organize the refugees who travel through Europe and find themselves in real concentration camps. This is the Arabic newspaper The Truth of the Oppressed.
The IV International speaks in Arabic, the language spoken by one of the working classes that fought the most and has been the most punished in recent years.
Many of the articles in this newspaper have already been translated into English, Portuguese, French and lately into Russian. New generations of Russian revolutionaries are beginning to radicalize, confronting the jackal Putin, no less genocidal than Al Assad, who today massacred the Syrian revolution with him.
The newspaper The Truth of the Oppressed, translated into Russian, is the great revenge against the murderer Putin and the Great Russian oligarchy. They deserve Bolshevism to return and make them pay, like yesterday to the Tsars, so much counter-revolution and opprobrium against the working class and the oppressed peoples by Great Russia.

On this 6th anniversary of the Syrian revolution, we also count many dead. The revolutionaries got by luck and also the tragedy of the Syrian revolution. If a revolutionary party is doing well when the masses are doing badly, it is a party of traitors. If the masses do well, the Socialists will do well. And if the masses do badly, it will be badly for us because our luck is tied to them.
We are proud not to receive the condolences of the traitors. No current, either of those who claim to defend the Syrian revolution or its detractors, has sent us a minimum note of solidarity for our socialist comrades, wrong or not, who have fallen on the battlefield fighting for their ideas and for their convictions.

It's as if we had shut up when Carlos Fuentealba was killed because he was from another party (from MAS) or Mariano Ferreyra because he was from the PO. Beyond all the differences, they fell fighting against imperialism and the bourgeoisie, and it is an obligation of class to be in solidarity and pay homage to all those who die for their ideas, fighting for the cause of the masses, wrong or not.
We know why those condolences do not come. The renegades of Trotskyism today are on the side of Stalinism, either openly supporting Al Assad, or being "neutral", thus favoring the massacre of the Syrian resistance.

This is all a symptom, which means that they have resolved that our current has to remain isolated from the global mass movement to be killed. This silence is complicity with the executioners of the revolution and our comrades.
Stalinism imprisoned Trotskyism, killed it and murdered it in the back, because their life depends on the fact that the revolutionaries do not reach the masses. Of course, the Stalinists in the 1930s were not going to pay homage to the Trotskyists who were fighting against Hitler in Germany or against Franco in Spain. Moreover, they killed them in the back and betrayed them. The attitude of reformism and of this puppet and parliamentary left today is the same as that of Stalinism in the 1930s and it is not surprising.

Revolutionary Marxism has been characterized by passing tests and challenges. This is the hardest test we have experienced. We went through the '70s and the military dictatorships of the Southern Cone. But we saw in Syria fighters of historical quality as revolutionaries who today have taken up the flags of the Fourth International.
This is the case of comrade Abu Al Baraa. We learned the story of how his father, comrade Mustafa Abu Jumaa, had got into an ambulance because he believed it was what he could do since his children were at the front. With that ambulance, he was a rescuer, at the service of all the rebels and even his children. Picking up the wounded and fallen, the comrade got to Trotskyism.
The revolutionary movement arrived in the Middle East and found the best of the vanguard to organize their forces, together with the best of the class. It is a pride for our current.
We are proud militants of the party of Abu Al Baraa and Mustafa Abu Jumaa, heroes of the Syrian revolution. No wonder. This was our world party, the Fourth International, full of heroes and the best fighters of the world working class.
We pay tribute to all the fighters of the Syrian revolution. To those brave fighters who bravely denounced that in Aleppo there was food to feed the entire city for six months and weapons to get to Damascus. The Syrian revolution is full of Abu Al Baraas.

Abu Al Baraa was a member of the FLTI leadership. With us, he was part of the international team that produced one of the most complete works of the Syrian revolution, the book Syria Under Fire.
When he fought to enter Argentina and Brazil, he did not come on tourism. He was coming to strengthen the international work of FLTI. Syrian Trotskyism emerged as a fraction of the international working class and sent its leader to international work. That was the great thing about Abu Al Baraa, a true Trotskyist, who changed the revolution in Syria by setting up an international revolutionary leadership.
That is why the best tribute we can give our comrades is to build the revolutionary party of the Maghreb and the Middle East and to form the cadres to avenge this tragedy of the Syrian masses in the next ones or in the current revolutions worldwide.
We have to set up revolutionary parties such as Lenin's, which would lay out that, in full victory of the October Revolution in Russia, they would change their revolution for the triumph of the German revolution.
The world moves in a capitalist chaos and a bankruptcy of the world imperialist system. Yankee imperialism has begun a real arms race, which will be followed by dozens of countries to get out of their economic catastrophes and marasmus.
Reformism, based in the upper layers of the labor aristocracy and bureaucracy and in the bourgeois parliaments, is against the laws of history and the catastrophe that is already here, dragging entire sectors of the planet into the vortex of the crisis and the crash. Syria is not the exception. It is and will be increasingly the norm.
We are forming the cadres for the revolution, those we tell the masses of the Maghreb and the Middle East that we could not succeed in our revolutions because the exploited do not take power. Our struggle was betrayed by the agents of capital in the world workers’ movement.

It is in this fight that we honor and pay tribute to the revolutionary masses of the Maghreb and the Middle East and to the thousands of workers in Europe and the US who are beginning to win the streets to break the siege of the Syrian revolution.
We salute the hundreds and thousands of young people who today follow the banner of the tireless struggle for the triumph of the revolution and against every pact that, like the one in Geneva, sells out their fight. We stand in solidarity with the enormous hardships of a people persecuted on the borders of Syria and imprisoned in imperialist Europe.
It is from there, and with the honor we have had to fight with the rebels in the resistance, that we pay tribute to Abu Al Baraa, Mustafa Abu Jumaa, Abu Issac al Janubi, Hamza al Twil, Mohammed Sheikh al Jeb, Mohammed Abdallah , Mohammed al Hamudi, Abu Attia, Abu Nur, Abu Mwawyah Al-Massry, Abu Mussa Al-Jazaery, Abu Al-Qayss Hesham, Abu Salamah, Sanad Abu Khattab, socialist fighters of the Syrian revolution.

Until the socialism always
Abu Muad and Carlos Munzer
Authors of the book Syria Under Fire