To win victory the working class needs a revolutionary leadership
The party of Mateo Fossa and Leon Trotsky must be set upin Argentina,
under the flags of the IV International!
The working class in Argentina has shown plenty of great combativeness. It never missed the appointment at the time of presenting battle against the capitalists and their government. The huge revolutionary action days of December 18 and 19, are pure and exclusive merit of the workers and exploited, who with pickets, assemblies, roadblocks, hard fighting in the streets and cacerolazos (pan pounding), imposed their mark. They did this not only against the hated triumvirate (of the CGT), but also against the Moyanites (another variant of the union bureaucracy, NT) and the (alleged “opposition”) bureaucracy of the two CTAs, whose policy was never to unleash such action from the exploited.
Faced with this situation, the FIT and other parties of the reformist left, during all these months of open offensive by the government agent of imperialism, spent them demanding from the rotten union bureaucracy to call a strike, when those union leaders are business men and millionaires are the that have long supported and sustained Macri and his plan of attack.
Meanwhile, they subjected the combative vanguard to the electoral trap, announcing that with "deputies of the left" the offensive of those from above could be confronted. Life itself continues to give its verdict on the sterile and impotent parliamentary cretinism of the FIT.
During and after the combats of Congress Square, the FIT, far from being up to the struggle waged by the working class and the exploited and their enormous level of class consciousness conquered in that day, maintained and even deepened its policy servile to the institutions of the bourgeois regime. Some instances of this are the class collaboration policy that they promoted though their deputies, demanding from the employer parties "opposition" not to vote in favor of the pension law, or their call to hold a "popular consultation" while the greater action of class independence since 2001 was developing, or their confidence that there may be "impartiality" of the bourgeois justice to judge worker fighters.
This political strategy of the FIT is nothing new or any invention of the Río de la Plata popular wit. These are the recipes proclaimed by the New Left of Stalinists, social democrats and renegades of Trotskyism; of Syriza of Greece, Podemos of the Spanish State, its "anti-capitalist" variants and other "socialist" ones such as the English SWP. They strictly follow what Fidel Castro said, after ensuring that the US flag flies in Havana in the last remaining workers' state, that "socialism does not go further, even in Cuba." Thus, seeking to bury the struggle for revolution, this New Left has emerged, waging the struggle for a "real democracy", to make the workers of the world believe that it is possible to improve their living conditions within the framework of the current regime. We have already seen their local representatives as Altamira of the PO affirm that "socialism is aleap to the void" and Del Cano of PTS say that they fight for a "superior regime" without ever talking about the socialist revolution.
Today, after the "Intifada" Argentina, the leadership of the PTS is postulated as the best to inoculate this poison against the workers. They say that there was no class versus class combat, but what happened on Dec 18 and 19 was a "Republic versus democracy (or the palace against the street)" confrontation, as they have called their 12/24 article of balance of the said days.
For the leadership of the PTS, the fight is against the "retrograde republicans", representatives of a "conservative formalist constitutionalism" because they are for an "immutable Constitution" and this is the "opposite of 'democracy' as an expression of popular will". This is why the PTS is fighting against "an immutable institutionality consecrated in some specific time, space and relation of forces". While the immediate task in Argentina is to deepen the revolutionary struggle to defeat the Macri government and the reforms dictated by the IMF, the strategy of the PTS is to adapt the 1853 Constitution to the current situation through "popular consultations" such as the one they proposed before the pension reform. They are true "liberal democrats" who do not even call to defeat the Constitution, let alone confront imperialism although Argentina is an oppressed country, and much less the bands of armed men who defend this democracy for the rich!
The fact is they are discussing how to improve the arch-reactionary Constitution of 1853/1994 on which the proscriptive democracy in Argentina is based, a “democracy” that is nothing more than a ferocious Bonapartism wrapped in pseudo-democratic forms. It is a program to give the best sweetened wrap to the dictatorship of capital against the labor movement.
This is how these Gramscians end up in their desire to poison the consciousness of the exploited: against "restricted democracy", together with the liberal bourgeoisie fighting for a "generous democracy", of which they speak while falsifying Trotsky who used that formulation in France of 1934 to dialogue with social-democratic workers calling them to defend democratic liberties with the workers' militia against the advance of fascism, never to "perfect bourgeois democracy" as the PTS wants.
Obviously, all their strategy ends up leaving for the Greek calends the fight for the revolution -once the stage of struggle for democracy that they proclaim has ended- when all the struggle of the masses to conquer even the smallest demand raises the socialist revolution as an immediate task to defeat the plans of imperialism, its governments and lackey regimes, by attacking the property of the capitalists.
This is further proof that the leadership problem is getting hotter than ever. As the Fourth International of 1938 said and against the militant phonies of "real democracy": "The charlatanism of every kind according to which historical conditions would not yet be 'mature' for socialism are nothing but the product of ignorance or a conscious deception. The objective conditions of the proletarian revolution are not only mature but beginning to decompose. Without a social revolution in a forthcoming historical period, human civilization is under threat of being wiped out by a catastrophe. Everything depends on the proletariat, that is, on its revolutionary vanguard. The crisis of humanity is reduced to the crisis of revolutionary leadership"(L.T., The Transitional Program)
Resolving this crisis of leadership is a task of the internationalist Trotskyists and the vanguard of the international proletariat that begins to break with reformism and to seek a path towards revolution, against the New Left. In the fighting that the working class is developing, the FLTI Trotskyists only ask for a fighting post and from there -and from their own experience- to convince the insightful workers and young people of the correctness of the program of the Fourth International and together with them inflicting defeats on the reformist currentsin front of the masses; to conquer the revolutionary internationalist leadership that the working class deserves and needs to win. A revolutionary leadership for the Argentine proletariat to join forces with the exploited rebels of the Maghreb and the Middle East, to stand together with the heroic Syrian resistance against the massacresbyal-Assad and Putin, to face Trump's plans as a single fist across the Americas, to defeat the capitalist restoration in Cuba and to put the Argentine revolution back on its feet as it was in 2001, to take it to victory this time.
The revolutionary party of Mateo Fossa and Leon Trotsky in Argentina must be put back on its feet!
To do this, we must recover the Fourth International from the hands of the renegades of Trotskyism who handed it over, in order to be able to re-found it under its 1938 program!
