March 5th, 2013

BOLIVIA:

New traps and deceptions to keep submitting the working class and poor peasants to the bourgeoisie

COB and COR’s in hands of the collaborationist bureaucracy gave tens of ministers and civil servants to the anti-worker bourgeois government of Morales. As Pulacayo Thesis says: “workers Ministers become pimps of the bourgeoisie”.
They have transform COB in an appendix of the exploiters’ government… and now they talk about “workers’ political instrument”?!

The WPI propelled by bureaucrats and the sects of pseudo left is a screen to hide the submission of COB to the bourgeoisie and its government.

The working class in decades of heroic fights already conquered its political Independence from the bourgeoisie. The collaborationist leaders of COB sold it out.

Workers already took as our own the Thesis of Pulacayo and our war cry is “Workers liberation will be conquered by workers themselves”
What we must recover is our political Independence from the exploiters and in order to achieve it we must recover COB as our instrument of revolutionary power of workers and poor peasants as in 1952 and the revolutionary days of 2003/2005!

We must expel collaborationist bureaucracy and all the “workers” ministers and public servants who submitted COB to the bourgeoisie and its government!

Enough lies and deceptions!

COB bureaucracy with its lie of WPI only wants, before the discredit of the oppressor and anti-worker government of MAS, conquer new deputies to support Morales now from the Congress or from it guarantee the votes so he can be elected president in case he doesn’t get more than 50% of the votes
We must break with MAS government and take back the path of our revolutionary fight for:

• “Out with gringos!”
• “Let’s smash TNCs to conquer wages and decent Jobs for all
• “Land for the poor peasants”
• Nor 30% nor 50%, nationalization without compensation and under worker control of all hydrocarbons”
• We must expropriate without compensation and nationalize under worker control the banks and foreign trade

We must organize a Congress of rank and file delegates from COB, one every 100 workers, together with the poor peasants and militant students. We must vote a struggle plan and the revolutionary general strike in order to open a decisive struggle for all our demands, defeating the government and infamous regime of Morales and his pact with fascist Media Luna.
We must re-open the path of 2003/2005 revolution which was expropriated by the anti-worker government of MAS and collaborationist leaderships.

If one really wants to face the electoral trap of the infamous regime of MAS and its pact with fascist Media Luna and its anti-democratic Constituent…
If one really wants to fight in the field of the enemy, as the electoral traps, as COB leaders announced and their backers of the pseudo-left…

We must set up a revolutionary worker parliamentary block without collaborationist bureaucrats of the government to propel masses extra-parliamentary fight

Working class must fight as the miners of Marikana against the management and bureaucracy with strike pickets and self-defense committees. The fight must be as in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Syria against the exploiter governments of the people and servants of imperialism.

For a revolutionary government of workers and peasants
Based on the selforganization and masses insurrection
Out with the murderous officer caste of the army
Dissolution of police and oppressive forces
For workers and peasants militias as the ones of COB of 1952
All power to COB and poor peasants’ organizations

Last January 17th and 18th it was held in Cochabamba a national COB general meeting. In the same it was resolved to set up the called “Workers’ Political Instrument” (IPT) to field candidates in the next elections in 2014 and “present battle to the government in their own field”. The collaborationist bureaucracy claims that “it’s time for the workers to fight in the enemy’s field”. There were present in this general meeting all the CODs and CORs leaders, from the unions and federations. It was presided by the staff of the Trujillo bureaucracy and the CEN of the COB. Alongside them also was Jaime Solares, who declared to the press that the IPT is “an alternative to the traditional parties and the process of change”. In the same way participated the leadership of La Paz Magisterium, led by the POR, that, although is against the IPT, participated in the general meeting to “debate” this issue. Other currents were also present, as the UIT-CI and the LOR-CI, who enthusiastically support this project from he collaborationist bureaucracy. 
In this general meeting it was resolved to vote a Political Comission to be in charge of planning the statutes of the party; it was resolved to call a new COB general meeting in Huanuni to vote them, as well as the IPT candidates. The workers’ base of all the organizations are kept outside of this “debate” and project.

In this article we would like to demonstrate that, beyond the different positions within the interior of the COB bureaucracy and the reformist left-wing that supports it, about which program and in which way this IPT should work, the truth is that they have all mounted a real smokescreen to hide that the tragedy of the working class is that the COB has been subdued to the bourgeoisie as a real appendix of the Evo Morales government, agent of the MNCs. This is the real political crisis that the Bolivian proletariat is going through.
The heralds of the so-called IPT claim that it has to be funded to face the government in the electoral ground and as a tool for “political independence” of the workers. These are arguments put forward by the ones, like Montes, Soleres, Trujillo, etc., have subdued the COB to the government of Evo Morales and have liquidated the political independence of the working class organizations against the bourgeoisie.
This issue is doubly serious in Bolivia than in the rest of the continent, since decades ago the Bolivian working class conquered its political independence turning into the revolutionary vanguard of the Latin American proletariat, funding the COB under the program of the Thesis of Pulacayo in the 1952 revolution, which with its worker militias starred the first great socialist revolution in the continent, that ended up expropriated by the national bourgeoisie represented by the MNR and Paz Estensoro, who the POR, with great influence in the COB in those day, called to vote critically and refused to call the COB, that had turned into an armed dual power, to seize the power. From these years, despite the defeats and the massacres suffered, the working class wrote with blood letters in every  one of its organizations part of the COB the following slogan: The liberation of the workers will be achieved by the workers themselves!”, and in their premises, flags and murals the printed the faces of Marx, Lenin, Trotsky and then “Che” Guevara expressing their revolutionary consciousness and their absolute political independence from the bourgeoisie.

Their political independence has penetrated so deep, that never the Bolivian working class was organized under a bourgeois party, unlike for instance the Argentinean working class with Peronism, to put an example, but its political organization was always the COB, which funded so that the working class could seize the power: “we are soldiers of the proletarian revolution”, it statute claims. The program of the COB is more revolutionary and socialist than any from the reformist left-wing and that any that the “IPT” project of the collaborationist bureaucracy could vote!

Thus, every time that the proletariat was forced to go out to fight, it imposed the COB their character as an organization for the revolutionary struggle of all the exploited. But every time the COB leadership subjugated it to the bourgeoisie, they transformed the COB into an appendix of the government in power and carried the proletariat towards the tragedy of hunger and the submission of the nation to imperialism.
Today the charlatans of the bureaucracy and the reformist left-wing talk of an IPT to conquer the political independence and facing the MAS government in the elections, when they were in charge of transforming the COB, that was coming from starring the 2003-05 revolution, into an appendix of the government of Evo Morales, who they hold in their shoulders since he assumed. The consequence of working class not seizing power in October of 2003 and May-June of 2005 again (as in 1952 and 1971) are being severely paid by all the exploited.

The true instrument of the Bolivian working class is the COB and its program the Thesis of Pulacayo, an action guide for the proletarian revolution of which the bureaucracy and the reformist left-wing are enemies. We must drag the COB from the claws of the collaborationist leaderships as a political instrument of the revolutionary struggle of the working class!

The three stances concerning the call to the IPT
Versus
The revolutionary maxim: “The liberation of the workers will be achieved by workers themselves”

During the general meeting in Cochabamba it was held a “debate” between the different tendencies of the COB bureaucracy and their “left” supporters.
So, for the COB bureaucracy headed by Trujillo, the IPT should be conformed by candidates who are leaders from the trade union confederations, but in an individual way and thus occupy charges in the Legislature or the Parliament to pressure for salary and social conquers.

On the other hand, they little groups of renegades of Trotskyism also participated in the general meeting, as the LOR-CI, that claims, as shade against the position of the collaborationist bureaucracy, that the IPT to “conquer political independence” should be settled on a “broad workers’ democracy and the unions”. This current has given enough proof of their submission to the COB bureaucracy, which they don’t call to defeat, but instead demands “union democracy” to the supporters of the anti-worker government of Evo Morales.

For the POR, who intervened as the leadership of the La Paz Magisterium, the IPT is a mistake. What they propose is to set up as an “instrument” is a Anti-imperialist Revolutionary Front, but the problem is that for the moment they haven’t found any “anti-imperialist” bourgeois or “military patriot” to which subdue the working class as they tragically did with Torres in ’71 liquidating the Popular Assembly as a power body of the exploited.

These three positions, all of class collaboration with which we will argue above, are based on a common premise: not to call to defeat the bureaucracy nor call to fight to impose the rupture of the COB with the government of Evo Morales and the bourgeoisie. On this point a criminal silence is imposed that allows the smokescreen to confuse the vanguard to expand to every corner of the class struggle. 

For the POR it is actually a very healthy process, since for them the bureaucracy issue is an “ideological” issue, and not of a band of corrupted by the bourgeoisie. For that reason they all create an “atmosphere” of alleged “democracy to debate” and in this way the reformist left-wing conceals the COB collaborationist bureaucracy.
Thus all together imposed the most deceitful policy of class collaboration in the XXXI FSTMB Congress in Potosí, where they argued their “differences” and nuances, but on the basis that they all agreed to politically support the jackal Khadafy in Libya (the Evo’s friend), turning their backs on the revolutionary masses and their militias, therefore subordinating the mining vanguard to the Morales government, loyal partner of Khadafy and today of the genocidal Al Assad that slaughters the Syrian revolution. In this way they separated, with their class collaboration policy headed by the LOR-CI and the POR, the Bolivian proletariat of the most advanced of the global revolution that fights in North Africa and Middle East. And this people dare to speak of “political independence”!

 

The political instrument of the working class is the COB, COD and COR
breaking up with the bourgeoisie and fighting as in 2003-05

They tell us that we need an IPT for the “political struggle”. However, in the 2003-05 combats, in 2010 against the Morales’ “gasolinazo”, etc., that were true combats of mass political struggle, we organized ourselves in the COB or in the COD and CORs. If the COB no longer is the instrument of political struggle of the workers it is because the collaborationist leaders knelt them before the Morales government.
Since 2006 they pulled us off the streets making us believe that Morales and his government were the sub-product of our combats in 2003-2005, that he would give us all our demands and that it was no longer needed to return to the fight, etc. And the leaders, as Solares and later Montes and the current leadership of Trujillo, were the ones that subordinated the COB to the Morales government with their pacts, agreements and negotiation tables behind closed doors.
These leaders want us to believe that what we are lacking is an IPT for the political struggle. But the workers and poor peasants starred the greatest political battle, organizing ourselves in the COB starting the worker and peasant revolution in the combats and barracks of 2003. We defeated in the streets, with the general strike, the Goni’s government, then we organized ourselves in the COR of El Alto in 2005, to combat the government of C. Mesa. There we set up the “Revolution headquarters” in the untamable El Alto, where we voted resolutions in the General Meeting on June 8th that year, calling to set up the Popular Native National Assembly in every department, to set up their worker and peasant militias and break up with every electoral or succession  trap.
If these resolutions weren’t carried out it was because they were betrayed by the leaders from the COB, COR; and hidden under lock and key by the reformists like the POR who refused to bring them up in the crowded Cabildo that was held in the San Francisco Square, in the middle of the combat against Carlos Mesa, with Vilma Plata delivering the control of this Cabildo to the bureaucrats Solares and Quispe.

If in 2003-05 us the workers and poor peasants that fought and gave our dead in the confrontation with the army and its caste of murderous officials didn’t seize power, it was because it was prevented by the collaborationist bureaucracy that encysted in the COB leadership and delivered the power again to the bourgeoisie. The government of Evo Morales and the MAS is in fact son of the betrayal of the COB leaders that prevented the workers from seizing power, broke the alliance of workers and peasants so that the MAS gained masses among the poor peasantry and then supported with truce the electoral trap. That’s how they stole the power from our hands, and until today we are paying hard not having seized the power.

That’s why Morales and the MAS weren’t the sub-product of our combats as then these collaborationist leaders made us believe; it is the sub-product of vile betrayals from the collaborationist leaderships of the COB, that yesterday even gave the mayor of El Alto Edgar Patana, that in 2005 was the Executive of the COR, and still today, when the workers recognize him as our enemy, is still supported by them giving him “worker” ministers for their government.
This means that every time that the COB broke up with the bourgeoisie was a political instrument of revolutionary fight, and every time that its leadership subdued it to the bourgeoisie it was a political instrument of class collaboration and support of the exploiters. This is what the heralds of the so-called IPT want to hide from us.

The bureaucracy and the reformist left-wing claim that the IPT is to present battle to the government “in their own field”...
But when the working class presented battle, the COB bureaucracy “played” for the Evo Morales’ “team”

The collaborationist bureaucracy claims that the IPT is necessary to also present battle to the government “in their own field”, that is to say on the electoral ground.
However, these bureaucrats have to prove to the Bolivian proletariat how they have fought in the ground of the class struggle. They have to prove that they fought in the combats that the working class and the poor peasants starred in 2010 to defeat in the streets the “gasolinazo” launched by Morales and the MNCs. Before fighting “on the enemy field”, prove what fight they gave on the workers’ fields that as the factory workers denounced (2010) in the streets the cheap demagogy of Morales and his “change process”. The fact is that they can’t prove anything, because at that moment the COB bureaucrats were in the enemies’ “field” playing for Morales’ government against the workers. The factory workers had to face with dynamites the traitor bureaucrats as Montes that placed himself in Morales’ trench kneeling the COB before the government.
When we went out to the streets in 2011 in defense of the poor peasants from the TIPNIS we had to impose to the COB and the FSTMB bureaucrats a powerful revolutionary strike against Morales and the MNCs. At that moment, it was the bureaucracy the one that prevented the entrance of the Huanuni miners and their dynamite to the struggle, keeping them in the mine tunnels with the promise that Morales would carry out the “nationalization” of all the mining industry and to “maintain the sources of work”. In this way they supported a government cornered by the masses’ combat.
Just as happened later with the strike of the health workers, students and doctors, which were left isolated in La Paz. The policy of the COB and FSTMB collaborationist bureaucracy always was to separate the miners from the rest of the working class in struggle and at the same time prevent a thousand times the worker-peasant revolutionary alliance against the government of Evo Morales, agent of the MNCs.
If they really wish to fight against the Morales’ government and the MAS, and not to be a “political instrument” of class collaboration, the first thing that the working class needs is to claim Out the COB “worker” ministers, servant of the Morales’ government! If the IPT isn’t funded based on this first step, it is a lie that they want to fight against the government.
As the Thesis of Pulacayo say: “'worker’ ministers do not change the nature of bourgeois governments. As long as the state is the defender of capitalist society, ‘worker’ ministers become com­mon pimps in the service of the bourgeoisie. The worker who is weak enough to swap his battle station in the revolutionary ranks for a bourgeois ministerial portfolio, joins the ranks of the traitors. The bourgeoisie has created ‘worker’ ministers the better to dupe workers and so that the exploited will abandon their own methods of struggle, giving themselves over heart and soul to the guardianship of the ‘worker’ minister”.
Who can believe that they will combat Morales “on the enemy’s field”, if the workers’ “field” they were always on the government’s side? Tell the truth, you who want to set up a IPT to divert every revolutionary fight to the electoral way want to liquidate all the class independence that the working class have conquered with their blood and sweat, you want to prevent the miners, the vanguard of the working class, from finishing breaking up with the government and their infamous regime of pacts with the fascist Media Luna and resume the revolutionary struggle of 2003-2005. And the fact is that big sectors of the working class and even of the poor peasants have broken up with the Morales’ government and his regime. On their behalf the Bolivian proletariat from Huanuni has proven in the past union elections that it has also begun to break up with this government, defeating the list from the oficialista bureaucracy.

Apropos of the LOR-CI’s "class independence", the buffoons of the collaborationist bureaucracy

The LOR-CI has been propagandizing and pushing the issue of the IPT since 2005 along with the bureaucracy of Solares. The explanation for this is that they have been always enemies of the strategy for seizing power, of extending, developing and centralizing organizations of political mass struggle - the soviets to take power- which the working class sets up in its struggles, acting instead as vulgar trade unionists. This group used to – along the entire revolution - turn back on REAL organizations of political struggle the masses had set up during their combats, as the likes of the COB in 2003, or the COR of El Alto in 2005, considering that it was necessary instead to put up a "revolutionary constituent Assembly" and now brings up this idea of the IPT in the hands of the collaborationist bureaucracy.

Therefore, nobody should be surprised bay the bureaucracy of the COB’s giving the LOR-CI a place in the "Policy Committee" of the IPT. In their press Palabra Obrera No. 50, these friends of the collaborationist bureaucracy say: "in this scenario, LORCI is fighting, as already noted, for the politically independent organization of the workers" (...) "We openly want unions to rise to the political arena and that in the Party of the COB they have a proportional representation to their organic weight and their role in the class struggle" (our bolds).

LOR-CI says that the necessity of setting up an IPT is based on obtaining the class independence of the workers from the Government and the State. LOR-CI wants to "teach" the Bolivian working class on the subject of "class independence" without calling to defeat the bureaucracy of the COB! It is a true ridiculousness of these true buffoons of the bureaucracy of the COB. Let's see.

If there is across the continent a working class with the greatest political independence, it is precisely the Bolivian working class. From 1952 it has affirmed its political independence founding the COB as a veritable Soviet, with its worker militia and its program, the Pulacayo theses based on the program of the Fourth International.

What these reformists do not understand because it does not get into their heads, it is that the problem is not the COB, but the class-collaborationist leadership that has expropriated it and put it on its knees before the Government of the popular front, through the poison of class collaboration. If the COB has subordinated to the popular front of Evo Morales it is because its leadership has established a deal with the bourgeoisie and its Government, giving the power to the bourgeoisie. The political independence of the workers was broken when the proletarian leadership broke the alliance between workers and peasants, it left to the MAS the leading of the poor peasants and submitted the proletariat to the bourgeoisie and the Government of the popular front which controls the workers’ vanguard by repressing its left wing.
Precisely that is what the popular front is – the last "left" government of the bourgeoisie before either the victory of the Socialist Revolution or the imposition of fascism — a government that leans essentially on the class collaborationism imposed by the treacherous leadership of the COB, pouring water over the fire of revolution, suppressing the left wing of the proletariat and safeguarding the caste of Banzerista army officers; besides this government leans also on the deals -blessed by the OAS and the Bolivarian Unasur- agreed by Morales with the fascist Media Luna.
Is for this reason that the Pulacayo theses, the historical program of the Bolivian proletariat, maintains their validity and force when they affirm: "1. We are soldiers of the class struggle. We have said that the war against the exploiters is a war up to the death. That is why we will smash any collaborationist attempt in the labor ranks. The path of betrayal was opened with the famous Popular Fronts, i.e. the fronts that, forgetting the class struggle, get together proletarians, petty bourgeois and some sectors of the same bourgeoisie..." (Our bolds)
That’s why it does not fight for the class independence whoever does not struggle for ejecting THE COLLABORATIONIST BUREAUCRACY FROM THE WORKERS ORGANIZATIONS AND FOR THE LATTER TO BREAK WITH THE SUBORDINATION TO THE BOURGEOISIE IMPOSED ON THEM BY THAT LEADERSHIP.

This proves that for the LOR-CI, the IPT is its real strategy: a reformist party together with the collaborationist bureaucracy aimed at pressuring the government; sending members to the bourgeois Parliament, who will end by ensuring the Presidency of Evo Morales if he fails his possible re-election not getting more than 50% of the votes (the Bolivian Bonapartist regime works with the Parliament defining who is President if no candidate wins more than 50% of the electorate). They want to re-edit the tragic policy of the PT (Worker's Party) promoted by the Catholic Church in Brazil in the late 1970s and early 1980s, which liquidated the factory coordinating bodies, true Soviet-type organizations for the workers’ political struggle. The worker leadership based on the Church (Lula is the most famous man within that leadership, NT) called for all the factory coordinating bodies, which were completely independent of the Government and the State and formed the famous PT through which decades later, before the terror of the bourgeoisie to the Latin American revolution at the beginning of the 21st century, formed the popular front government of Lula, which granted the imperialist MNCs their business and properties.

The LOR-CI and the POR: two opportunists discussing about class collaboration policies

In their polemic on the question of the IPT, LOR-CI poses that POR is a sectarian group because it does not support the IPT. They say: "The POR-Masas opposes frontally the creation of an IPT-based on the trade unions from a closely trade unionist, sectarian and self-trumpeting politics."
The fact is that the role of the POR is to contain and strangle the proletarian revolutionary vanguard when required by the popular front; so far it has left the LOR-CI to beautify the rotten bureaucracy of the COB. As part of the policy of support of the collaborationist bureaucracy, what the LOR-CI in its turn is making is to strengthen the POR by criticizing it for "being sectarian" -not joining the IPT. However, nothing more wrong than this claim since the POR participated in the Popular Assembly of 1971 which took with the COB the bourgeois Parliament, establishing there a semi dual-power. The problem is not that the POR is "sectarian" as the LOR-CI through its leader Javo Ferreira state, but quite the opposite: the POR imposed the FRA (Revolutionary Anti-imperialist Front, a policy that turned to be a kind of Popular Front since the defeat of the Chinese Revolution in 1926-27, NT) to the people's Assembly by making the bourgeois General Torres and the Stalinist bureaucracy enter the Assembly, thus liquidating with this policy of class collaboration, the People's Assembly as a body of "class independence" for the seizing of power by the alliance of workers and peasants. So hardly “sectarian” is the POR that some years before, in the Revolution of 1952 it had supported the “left wing” of the (bourgeois party) MNR, refusing to raise “the whole power to the COB and its worker and peasant militias”, so betraying the revolution.

In 2003-2005, the POR refused to raise in a multitudinous “Cabildo” (a popular and open council where the masses of the capital city and many coming from all across Bolivia reunited to vote the program for the then ongoing revolution)  the resolutions of the COR of El Alto on June 8 that raised the program to take power with the Aboriginal-National Popular Assembly and its workers and peasant militia; they from the POR worked successfully to get those resolutions closed under seven keys so that never again anybody speak of them. How can you tell that the POR is "sectarian" if they are the parents of the creature in the case of all reformists - among them the same LOR-CI that vilified the workers militias in Libya accusing them of being "NATO troops" - that were in the same barricade with the butcher Khadafy in Libya with the FRA as a program and therefore qualified the collaborationist Congress of the FSTMB in Potosí as “anti-official and radical”, which fettered the mineworkers.
What the LOR-CI does not say is that the POR is enemy of the Transitional Program of the Fourth International and the Trotskyists and of the same Pulacayo Theses. And this is so, since this enmity is what unites them both. The two groups are enemies of the tactic of "worker and peasant government" posed by the Transitional Program, which says "in April of 1917, the Bolsheviks demanded from the Revolutionary Socialists and the Mensheviks to break their link with the liberal bourgeoisie and take power into their own hands. With this condition the Bolsheviks promised to the Mensheviks and the Revolutionary Socialists –petty bourgeois representatives of workers and peasants, revolutionary help against the bourgeoisie renouncing, however, categorically to enter the government and take any political responsibility for them (...) However the claim directed to the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionary by the Bolsheviks: "Break with the bourgeoisie, take the power in your hands!" has an enormous educational value for the masses. The obstinate denial of the Mensheviks and the Revolutionary Socialists to take power, which appeared so tragically in the days of July, lost them definitely in the spirit of the people and prepared the victory of the Bolsheviks.
The central task of the Fourth International is to free the proletariat from the old leaderships, whose conservative spirit is in complete contradiction with the catastrophic situation of capitalism in its decline and is the main brake of historical progress. The capital charge that the Fourth International launches against the traditional organizations of the proletariat is that they do not want to separate from the semi-cadaver of the bourgeoisie."
Therefore the key in Bolivia is to call the COB to break with the Morales government to show up to the last of the workers the treacherous role of the current class collaborationist leadership and retrieve the workers’ central union as a fighting organization of the whole of the exploited under the broadest worker democracy.
This policy of the IPT driven by the collaborationist bureaucracy and reformist groups as the LOR-CI or the UIT-CI allied to Solares; it is a real trap for the working class to again submit it to their own bourgeoisie, in a moment when broad layers of the workers and poor farmers come from breaking with the Morales Government, and the mineworkers seek to follow this same path. And this policy is not national, it is guaranteed from ELAC and Conclat (international congresses of worker organizations led by the LIT and the reformist left which maintained the more combative of the Latin American working class subjected to the scam of "Bolivarian revolution").
The IPT is a link of the policy defined at the last meeting of the CELAC held in Chile last January. There all the Governments of the "Bolivarian" bourgeoisie and the NAFTA met with the Governments of the imperialists of the European Union and named as chairman Raul Castro, representative of the new Cuban bourgeoisie which is concluding to give up the Cuban revolution with the capitalist restoration in the island. And they have advanced in this policy due to all the reformists grouped at the World Social Forum that supported the farce of "Bolivarian revolution" with which the Boli-bourgeoisie expropriated the Latin American Revolution of the 21st century. And today they return to centralizing themselves there to hold these Governments in moments in which the latter are being exposed as deeply anti-workers Governments, launching the worst attacks on the working class to throw on our shoulders us the costs of the capitalist crisis. Preventing the working class to again return to the path of the revolution of 2003 in Bolivia, of 2001 in Argentina, of Chilean workers and students in recent years, is for them a matter of life and death and so is preventing the working class and poor peasants in Peru from open a breakthrough to the revolution, as they threatened in their fighting waged during 2011. The reformists revive the stale question of the IPT because they want to prevent the masses from beginning again to walk the path of revolution and conquer until the last of our demands by seizing the power.

Neither Anti-imperialist Revolutionary Front, nor WPI! They are both policies of class collaboration!

The liberation of workers will be conquered by themselves

For an action revolutionary program for the working class and poor peasants!

Let’s recover COB to break it from the government of Morales and his regime with MAS and fascist Media Luna!

Out with COB collaborationist bureaucracy! Down with “worker” Minister of COB, who accomplices of Morales’ government!
In order to go back to the revolution of 2003/2005 and lead it to the victory, imposing a workers’ and peasants’ government which is the only one that can meet all the demands of the exploited

The only workers’ political instrument that the working class needs to seize power is COB breaking with Morales’ government, without treacherous bureaucrats, setting up their workers’ and peasants’ militias.

Long live COB! Down with collaborationist bureaucracy! For a revolutionary leadership of COB! Out with “worker” ministers of COB who are accomplices of the attacks and sufferings imposed by the government to workers and poor peasants!

We must impose a workers’ and peasants’ congress with delegates with mandate from rank and file assemblies: All power to COB, based in the organisms of direct democracy and workers’ militias! We must set up again the “headquarter of the socialist revolution” in El Alto with the resolutions voted by COR on June 8th, 2005. Down with the “Bolivarian” constitution of Morales and fascist Media Luna! Down with the regime of the pact of MAS and fascist Media Luna, blessed by AEO!

The working class needs an “instrument” of the fight to smash imperialism and TNCs as in 2003-05 with the war cry of: Rifle, grapeshot, Bolivia doesn’t shut up! Out with Gringos! Expropriation without compensation and under worker control of TNCs and the entire mining industry! We must impose again in the streets the revolutionary alliance of workers and poor peasants as was the revolutionary strike of September 21st 2011 with the poor peasants from TIPNIS fighting in the roads TNCs’ imperialist plunder. Against the alliance of Morales, imperialist TNCs and oligarchy from Media Luna and landowners, we need to impose a revolutionary alliance of workers and poor peasants, to fight for: Expropriation of the landowners! The land for the poor peasants! Expropriation of the banks and state unified bank under worker control to give cheap credits for the poor peasants exempting their debts!

Let’s put our forces to call a delegate every 100 workers, militant student and poor peasant to refound COB under the legacy and program of the Thesis of Pulacayo like COB of 1952, expelling collaborationist bureaucracy. This is the only political instrument that we workers need to seize power.

The question is simple: A WPI to unify workers ranks and from the beginning call the miners who don’t exploit miners and who are exploited in the mines of the cooperativist bosses to organize under the banners of the FSTMB to fight for equal labour conditions in the nationalized mines, without compensation and under workers’ control; for sliding scale of wages and hours; for all workers under permanent contract, for equal job for equal wages, etc: YES.

A WPI for bureaucrats doing political career using COB and our combats, while they submit us again to Morales’ government: NO.

Any way if the point is fighting in the field of the enemy and intervene in the elections of 2014, then this workers and peasants Congress, where the rank and file organized with real delegates decide, i.e. with direct democracy, must call to set up a Revolutionary Worker Parliamentary Block as was posed by the Thesis of Pulacayo: “Before the electoral maneuvers of the left traitors, let’s oppose them the creation of a Parliamentary Miner Block”; its first measure must be expelling from COB “workers” ministers who are pimps of the bourgeoisie.

By calling from this Revolutionary Parliamentary Block to seal the streets again the revolutionary alliance of workers and poor peasants, to refound FSTMB –and with it COB itself- with the program of the Thesis of Pulacayo and COR El Alto from June 8th, 2005; to organize revolutionary general strike to overthrow Morales’ government and seize power. Otherwise there aren’t preparing the extra-parliamentary fight, but submission, via bourgeois elections, of the vanguard and masses to the bourgeoisie and its regime.

We, the revolutionary Trotskyists, are in favor of the widest unity of workers ranks to fight. POR says that no one should participate in the WPI since it is an electoralist project of collaborationist bureaucracy. Well, POR leads the teachers, Casegural, is part of the leadership of the union of Huanuni, it leads sector of the factory workers and student movement. So, it must put all its forces to impose the widest unification of workers rank to face bureaucracy and the government preparing a big fight against imperialism and popular front.

We call POR, who speak on behalf of the proletariat and the Thesis of Pulacayo, to return to the path they went from 1946-48, when it took the Thesis of Pulacayo to the miner vanguard. Break with your program of ARF and call workers to set up a Revolutionary Block to dispute collaborationist bureaucracy the leadership of the working class!

Miners of Marikana have shown the real path to fight. They broke with the government of Zuma, defeated collaborationist bureaucracy of COSATU which submitted them to the bourgeoisie, while it negotiated behind miners backs, selling out the big fight of the Lodmin’s miners against TNCs. Thus they imposed the unity of their ranks, set up their strike committees and launch a war class to TNCs with the war cry of “12,500 rands or we kill the management” to win their demands. It is the way that workers must follow, recovering COB from the hands of collaborationist bureaucracy, which acts as bureaucrats of COSATU in Marikana, selling out every fight against Morales in the negotiation boards with its ministers.

This is why, under this program the Bolivian proletariat will be the vanguard of the continent again by calling to defeat capitalist restorarion in Cuba, to break with Obama and the Boliviarians/FTA, expel US military basses and smash transnationals in a single worker socialist international revolution fighting as in Northern Africa and Middle East.

The real political instrument that Bolivian working class needs and deserves to conquer the conditions for victory and that fights for this program and for the working class seize power. For refoundation of Bolivian internationalist Trotskyism, as part of refounding IVth International!