September 22th, 2003

Away with the liquidators of the Fourth international, servants of the bourgeois regimes and the treacherous leaderships!

In different countries, internationalist Trotskyist revolutionary groups have published a revolutionary statement calling for an International Conference. We deliver in this edition the latest version with all the final additions provided by the five components of this call.

We the revolutionary organizations that have elaborated and signed this document -Lucha Marxista de Perú, the Bolshevik Group of France, the Group of Communist Workers of New Zealand, the Internationalist Workers Group (CI) of Chile and the Internationalist Workers League (CI) Democracia Obrera Argentinahave agreed to convene, on the basis of the principles and programmatic lessons contained therein, an International Conference of principled Trotskyists and internationalist revolutionary workers’ organizations.

In December 2002, we met at the COTP-CI Congress in Buenos Aires and, in the heat of the Argentine revolution, the heroic struggle of the Palestinian people, and the preparations for the war against Iraq, we decided to call for a Conference on the basis of the revolutionary lessons and essential programmatic agreements on these crucial facts of the world class struggle. The result of those agreements and of that common fight was the joint declaration for the victory of Iraq against the imperialist aggression that we published on January 22, 2003, raising a principled and internationalist position and concentrating on it the fight against the treacherous
leaderships grouped in the World Social Forum - a true counterrevolutionary international - and against the revisionist currents of Trotskyism and liquidationists of the Fourth International that have been either subordinated to it or not.

Since then, and in the months that have passed, the world proletariat has fought hard and suffered new defeats and repeated betrayals, in Iraq, Palestine, Argentina, Bolivia, Venezuela. Internationalist revolutionaries have to say firmly that the partial victories achieved by the counterrevolution and the bourgeois-imperialist reaction are not due to the lack of heroism in combat on the part of the exploited, much less to the technical and military advances of
the genocidal imperialist troops.
The revolutionary rise of the late 1960s and early 1970s was worldwide: mobilization of the youth and workers in China, antibureaucratic revolution in Czechoslovakia, war of the Vietnamese people; general strike in France, large-scale strikes in Italy, victorious miners’ strike in Great Britain, national movements in Ireland and the Basque Country, student movement in Mexico, revolution in Bolivia, black struggle and anti-war movement in the United States, Cordobazo in Argentina, revolution in Chile and Portugal ...But this wave was contained and betrayed by the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalists and the leaderships of the labor movement. Starting in the 1980s, this new delay inflicted on the world revolution allowed the bourgeoisies of the imperialist countries to resume the offensive. A key episode was the defeat of the British miners in 1985, but the decisive event was the destruction of the USSR in 1991 and the consecutive reestablishment of capitalism in Russia by the Stalinist bureaucracy that had usurped the power of the workers since 1924. This historic victory of the world bourgeoisie pushed US imperialism to lead the coalitions that crushed Iraq in 1991, the Balkans in 1999, Afghanistan in 2002, and Iraq again in 2003. But the imperialist powers are unable to stabilize the situation. At the end of the 20th century, there were mass struggles in South Africa, the 1987 Intifada in Palestine, mass demonstrations in East Germany and China in 1989, the strikes of NovemberDecember 1995 in France, the strikes of 1997 in South Korea, the revolutions of Albania and Indonesia in 1997.
The 21st century began with powerful mass mobilizations, such as the heroic Palestinian struggle in 2000, the uprising in Algeria, the strikes and demonstrations in Italy and the revolution in Argentina in 2001, the uprising in Bolivia in 2003 ... The Iraq War was answered by an enormous anti-imperialist mobilization of the masses throughout the world that also struck at the heart of the central countries. The proletariat of Europe are fighting against the liquidation of the conquests made during the preceding revolutionary upsurges. We must tell the truth to the masses, no matter how harsh and cruel it may be: the defeats, the setbacks in the revolutionary processes, the military defeats of the oppressed nations, all were products of the betrayal of the leaderships that the proletariat and the exploited masses have at their head, most of which are
grouped in the World Social Forum.
Imperialism, with its chain of counterrevolutionary victories, seeks a way out of the world economic crisis, downloading it on the working class and the oppressed peoples of the world and, at the same time, exacerbating inter-imperialist disputes. It remains to be seen whether they can do it. Counterrevolutionary leaderships of all coats and colors seek to consolidate this triumph of the counterrevolution, leading the masses to conclude that imperialism
cannot be defeated.
The immediate perspective of the world situation, then, depends on the lessons that the masses draw from the rich learning experiences that the wars, the crash and the worsening of the conditions of the time are giving.
It is then under these new conditions that we believe it essential, on the basis of the revolutionary lessons of the battles given, of the defeats and betrayals suffered by the world proletariat, to clearly separate reformists, liquidationists and centrists from internationalist revolutionaries, and prepare the next combats that the international proletariat will have to face at a time when the imperialist counteroffensive was started at the beginning of the 1980s against the working classes, the workers’ states (the countries in which capital had been expropriated), the oppressed peoples of the world. The fight of the internationalists, under the conditions of the crash, war and revolution, to conquer an international grouping with lessons and a revolutionary program to prepare the next battles, is already a task against the clock. The imperialist war against Iraq, like yesterday the heroic Palestinian struggle and the Argentine revolution, has established a new watershed not only with the treacherous leaderships, but also and fundamentally with the revisionists of Trotskyism who support and legitimize them on the left. The different wings of the liquidationists of the Fourth International have been attached to the apron strings of the UN and of the imperialists of the Franco-German axis, capitulating to the smelly remnants of Stalinism and Social Democracy; either from the coattails of the national bourgeoisie as in Venezuela, or from the radical variants of the petty-bourgeois nationalist movement such as Hezbollah and Hamas.
In the Argentine revolution, they have been completely opposite to fighting for weapons and for the establishment and development of bodies of direct democracy and self-organization of the masses, and they have used the minimum and democratic demands of the revolutionary program as a noose around the neck of the masses. They have become servants of the remnants of Stalinism and supporters of the infamous regime hated by the masses.
In Brazil, all revisionist currents of Trotskyism and liquidationists of the Fourth International openly supported and called to vote the class-collaboration government of Lula-Alencar, and from the ranks of some of them have come ministers, governors and secretaries of state for the reactionary Brazilian regime. In France, these currents are supporters of the imperialist regime of the Fifth Republic: they have directly called to vote for “the lesser evil”, Chirac against Le Pen; or they have supported it by refusing to fight for the boycott and the general strike before the runoff. In France, Spain, Italy, Great Britain, etc., these currents are totally subordinated to the social democracy, the new recycled Stalinist parties, the labor aristocracy and the trade union bureaucracies.
These are just a few examples of the fact that the liquidators of the Fourth International have crossed the Rubicon. These liquidationist and revisionist currents have left no stone upon another of the theory and program of revolutionary Marxism. Their bankruptcy is total. For this reason, to draw the revolutionary lessons from the battles given and the betrayals suffered, to prevent the banners of Trotskyism from being in the hands of these usurpers and impostors, to regroup the scattered ranks of revolutionary internationalists, to fight to put on its feet combatant Leninist parties in an International Center, the immediate convocation of the healthy forces of the labor movement and in particular of those who vindicate themselves for the continuity of Trotskyism and the Fourth International becomes indispensable. The conveners of this Conference, we all come from the outbreak of the Fourth International and we maintain differences that we will discuss publicly in the organizing newspaper of this International Conference.
The most important of these differences is established around
the current character of the revolutionary International. For an
opinion, the fight for a new, Fifth international, becomes essential. Others argue that the organization built by Trotsky, the Fourth
International, has died, but that its program is alive and that militants and regroupments continue to seek the path of world socialist
revolution referring to it, and therefore raise an algebraic formula
“for the Revolutionary Workers’ International”, stating that it will be
the discussion and conscious action of the living forces that build
this historical work what will shape its concrete forms.

For others, the struggle continues to be more than ever, today, for the regeneration and refounding of the Fourth International, because its theory and program remain fully valid and current and have passed the test of history, as they are the usurpers and renegades of Trotskyism those who have not passed it. And because it is the validity and timeliness of its theory, program and strategy what determines the number that an International carries, as the experience of the world proletariat since the mid-nineteenth century has shown. But these discussions - as well as others that are raised towards the International Conference - will be held in a common International Center, since the program has united us in the face of burning events in the international situation: the crash, the revolution and the war. We are very far from any centrist alchemy and from signing agreements with anyone which may arrive, and after signing them, is hurried to betray the proletariat.

We therefore call an International Conference to advance in setting up an International Center of revolutionary Marxism. The program that we are promoting here for this same Conference is not written for small circles of scholars or for the editorial boards of Marxist newspapers. It is a program that we force ourselves to take to - and to fight for it within - the heart of the workers’ organizations in our different countries. Hundreds of workers and fighting organizations are led by the traitorous organizations at the feet of the UN and the French and German imperialists in the World Social Forum. Our struggle will be for the fighting organizations of the working class to speak out for this revolutionary program. They will also have a place of honor at this conference alongside the Trotskyist revolutionaries.

The time of crisis, wars and revolutions will not give calm or peace to the liquidators of Marxism and the Fourth International. Our forces are still more than weak, but our program and the ideas we defend are the result of more than a century and a half of struggle by the world proletariat. They deserve to live, and sooner rather than later they will become flesh and blood in millions of exploited who enter the combat. Long live the struggle for an international conference of the healthy forces of Trotskyism and the internationalist revolutionary workers’ organizations!

Collective for an International Conference of Principled Trotskyism and internationalist
revolutionary workers’ organizations:
Communist Workers’ Group - New Zealand
Groupe Bolchevik pour la construction du Parti
ouvrier révolutionnaire, del’Internationale ouvrière révolutionnaire – France
Internationalist Workers Group (Fourth International) – Chile
Internationalist Workers League (Fourth International) - Workers’ Democracy – Argentina
Marxist Struggle – Peru

PROGRAMMATIC AGREEMENTS FOR AN INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

We call an International Conference, in which
all currents, groups, fractions, militants
who stand for the following points of
principles and program may participate:

- 1 -
All kinds of pseudo-theories were accepted or invented by the revisionists to explain that decadent capitalism would have found a way to overcome crises and unlimitedly develop the productive forces: “scientific and technical revolution”, “state monopoly capitalism”, “neo-capitalism” , “Permanent weapons economy”, “neoliberal globalization”, “new economy”. Against all these speculations, we affirm that for a long time now, capitalism has exhausted its progressive role: imperialism means “reaction along the whole line”. The current imperialist counteroffensive and the war against Iraq are the response of this dying capitalist system that, in its imperialist phase, unable to overcome the narrow national borders, survives by fiercely exploiting wage earners, separating millions of condemned-to-misery workers from production, subjecting most of the planet to underdevelopment, debt and domination, decimating natural resources, destroying productive forces in the form of economic crises and wars, becoming increasingly parasitic and destructive and threatening to destroy the human civilization.

- 2 -
All the imperialist powers, in the current phase of recurrent crisis and crash of the world economy - which since 1997, and in successive rounds, has hit Asia and Japan, Brazil and Russia, Argentina and Turkey, and reached the very heart of the United States itself -, urgently needs sources of cheap raw materials, slave labor or reservoirs of it, to increase profits with the exploitation of the colonial and semi-colonial world, with which imperialism, together with exploiting more his own working class, seeks to get out of the current crisis by increasing the rate of profit. The current colonizing offensive of American imperialism is also a new division of the world to the detriment of the imperialist powers of a second or third order. The second war against Iraq, led by the US and Great Britain, despite the opposition of France and Germany, illustrates the inevitable intensification of rivalries between the imperialists. If the proletarian revolution does not prevent it, capitalism will lead humanity to a new world carnage, greater than the two we saw in the 20th century.

- 3 -
We are in the military trench of every oppressed nation attacked by imperialism, for its military victory and for the military defeat of imperialism, but we are fighting for a proletarian leadership of the national, anti-imperialist war that transform it into the beginning of the socialist revolution, in the attacked country and within the aggressor imperialist nation. We proclaim to whoever wants to listen to us that anyone is not revolutionary or anti-imperialist who is not unconditionally in the imperialist countries for the defeat of their own imperialism, and for the triumph of the working class and the nations oppressed by that same imperialism. We call on the American working class, today enchanted by the national-patriotic policy of the AFL-CIO, and the working classes of Japan and Europe, to fight to break the subordination of the workers’ organizations with the imperialist bourgeoisie and to fight against it, allying with their class siblings from the semi-colonial and colonial countries, fighting for the overthrow of their own imperialist bourgeoisie, their government and regime, on the path to the socialist revolution.

- 4 –
We call to combat the utopia of a unified capitalist Europe, and we call on the European working class to raise the struggle to overthrow the monarchy and the reactionary government of Aznar in Spain, the Fifth French Gaullist Republic and the anti-worker and imperialist government of the Unified Germany, the monarchy and the imperialist government of Tony Blair in Britain, etc. That is, we call for a fight to defeat the governments and regimes of the imperialist powers, to overthrow the bourgeoisie, demolish the bourgeois state and impose the dictatorship of the proletariat in those countries, opening the way for the United Socialist States of Europe.

- 5 –
We reaffirm the validity of the program of the Permanent Revolution against the policy of the “anti-imperialist united front” refuted since the tragedy of the Chinese revolution of 1927. We promote the broadest unity of anti-imperialist action that means even if it is but a small step forward for the workers and the exploited in their struggle against imperialism, but always maintaining the most absolute independence and a firm opposition and intransigence to any bourgeois current, be it in the opposition or in the government. All semi-colonial bourgeoisies are necessarily pro-imperialist. As minor partners of imperialism they can haggle for the surplus value extracted from the workers of their countries, but because of their condition of exploiting class they fear the beginning of the proletarian revolution more than the victory of the imperialist aggressor. Bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalism, either secular or clerical, permanently surrenders the national struggle to imperialism and keeps the proletariat and the peoples under capitalist exploitation. We fight for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the
imposition of a workers and peasants’ government, since the only class that can liberate the oppressed nation from imperialism is the working class, leading the peasants and all the exploited and oppressed masses.

- 6 –
We denounce the surrender of the Iraqi bourgeoisie and the anti-worker caste of Saddam and his Republican Guard to the imperialist aggressors, who thus gave in the national war of the Iraqi people and the anti-imperialist struggle of the masses of the entire Middle East, while today the remains of the bourgeois nationalist Baath party declare themselves ready to collaborate with the American and British occupiers. We denounce the bourgeois nationalist leaderships of the oppressed Kurdish people, who allied themselves with the invading American and British troops in their colonial war against Iraq, what will only deepen the oppression and crush all struggle of that people for their legitimate right to national selfdetermination, including their right to separation from Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Iran. We denounce the governments and regimes of the Arab and Persian bourgeoisies of the Middle East that remained “neutral” in the face of the war against Iraq, refusing to constitute, against the imperialist military coalition, a coalition of all the oppressed nations of the Middle East, to send their weapons, war equipment, supplies, and their armies to fight imperialism in Iraq.

- 7 –
We denounce the Palestinian bourgeoisie and its political expression Arafat’s PLO, which have given up the revolutionary struggle of the Palestinian people and kneel before imperialism, before the UN’s “two-state” plan and before Zionism. The Palestinian bourgeoisie intends to administer a sham of the state as an agent of imperialisms, trafficking in the blood of the martyred people. We declare war on all the treacherous leaderships and the renegades of Trotskyism who support the Zionist State of Israel by supporting the counterrevolutionary policy of “two states” of the UN and the imperialists. We fight for the destruction of the State of Israel, and for a secular, democratic and non-racist Palestinian state under a workers and peasants’ government on the way to conquer a Federation of Socialist Republics of the Middle East.

- 8 –
We denounce Chavez and his bourgeois Bolivarian Movement that give in the anti-imperialist struggle of the Venezuelan masses. Chavez, at a negotiating table with the United States, with governments such as Lula’s and “messengers of democracy” such as Carter and Alfonsin, has signed an agreement in which he surrenders to the imperialist and coup reaction, so that what they could not conquer in the streets in their two counterrevolutionary attempts, they achieve from him.
We also denounce that in Bolivia, the COB, Quispe and Morales - leader of the WSF - have given a truce to the murderous government of Sanchez de Lozada and prevented the working class and peasants from leading the uprising that they had started last February to victory. In Colombia, for years, the truces and the pacts of the FARC with the successive genocidal governments of that country, have isolated the peasant war in the countryside and at the same time, have left the proletariat of the cities to their fate against the fascist “death squads”. At the same time, the Stalinist leadership of the FARC refuses to expropriate not a single oil well, not a millimeter of land in the territories it controls. Down with truces and deals! For the independence of the workers’ organizations from the regimes, governments and the pro imperialist bourgeoisies! Only from this proletarian strategy can a Latin American worker and peasant movement stand up that, in unity with its class siblings, the American workers, struggle to put an end to ignominy and slavery in the “backyard” of US imperialists.
From this perspective, we make our own the cry of “Gringos, go out” of Cuba, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Colombia and all of Latin America! Out with the European imperialist powers as bloodsucking and plundering the Latin American peoples as the US imperialist master! British, out of the Malvinas! For a Federation of Socialist Republics of Latin America!

- 9 –
We call on the Russian working class to resume the path of the red workers, soldiers and peasants who in October 1917 imposed the first victorious workers and socialist republic. The struggle for the restoration of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat in
the territories of the former USSR is also a task of the European and world proletariat. We are against Kim Song Il of North Korea, Fidel Castro and the Cuban restorationist bureaucracy, and the new Chinese restorationist bourgeoisie, who have devised the reactionary and anti-worker pseudo-theory of “market socialism” which, as evidenced by the brutal exploitation of the Chinese working class, the advance of restorationist measures in Cuba and the submission of the Argentine working class, is the counterrevolutionary policy of the World Social Forum to bring the working class to its knees before the capitalists. At the same time, in the case of the bureaucratic worker states that still exist on the brink of agony, we defend them unconditionally against imperialism, while we fight to set up workers’ and peasants’ soviets and for the overthrow of the bureaucracies that are preparing to consummate the restoration of capitalism in those states.

- 10 –
We declare war on all the leaderships hanging from the coattails of the bourgeoisie, on their policy of class collaboration and their “popular fronts”. History has shown time and again that the path of the reconciliation of interests between capitalists and workers is the path of the defeat and massacre of the masses. There is no possible improvement in the situation of the world proletariat as a whole or liberation of any kind, by the method of submission to the interests of any faction of the exploiters.

- 11 –
We denounce and confront all the servants of the UN, including the majority of the renegades of Trotskyism who have knelt before it following their new leader Gladys Marín of the traitorous Chilean Stalinism, general secretary of the Conference of Communist Parties of Latin America that meets twice a year, and is the spokesperson for Fidel Castro, the envoy to the Chilean revolution of 1973, to the Central American revolution in the 1980s, and who has now traveled to Argentina to support Kirchner and also try to give in that revolution. Fidel Castro and his spokesperson Gladys Marín, props of the World Social Forum, have declared that “Another world is possible” without expropriating the capitalists, with the continuity of the exploitation of the working class, calling to “distribute the wealth” as vulgar liberal democrats, and from the hand of that den of imperialist bandits that is the UN. The same UN that approved the first war against Iraq and the genocidal blockade, and that today is trying to return to Iraq to defend the interests of the French and German imperialists; the one that in 1948 consecrated the occupation of Palestine and the creation of the state of Israel and today supports the Zionist massacre against the Palestinians with its policy of “two states”; the one that promoted and supported the war against Korea in 1950, etc.

- 12 –
We proclaim that, as the Argentine revolution put it red hot, the axis of any revolutionary program, in a pre-revolutionary or revolutionary situation, must be articulated around developing, extending, centralizing and arming the organizations of direct democracy and self-determination of the masses that, like the popular assemblies, the taken over factories, the internal commissions of the factories taken from the union bureaucracy and the piquetero movement, expressed the tendency of the masses to establish a regime of dual power. In other words, when a revolution begins, he who does not fight for power and for the perspective of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is a vile servant of the bourgeois state. That is why in the COTP-CI Congress we raised the cry of “For a government of the Third National Assembly of employed and unemployed workers and popular assemblies, with their self-defense organizations!”

- 13 -
We call to openly combat the pacifism that infects the conscience of the working class, just as we also oppose the petty-bourgeois policy of individual terrorism that isolates itself from the masses in a powerless struggle and, furthermore, separates the masses from the armament. The uprising of the working class and the Bolivian peasants, their cry of “Shrapnel, guns, Bolivia does not shut up”, marks the way for the conquest of the proletariat’s weapons.
It is the bourgeois and counterrevolutionary leaderships that prevent the arming of the proletariat, the path to the workers’ militia and the destruction of the police and the officer caste of the bourgeois armed forces. This was shown by Palestine, where it is Arafat and the bourgeois leadership of the PLO, together with Hamas and Hezbollah, who prevent the generalized arming of the Palestinian people and hand them over to be massacred at the hands of Sharon and his genocidal army. None of this prevents us from defending every anti-imperialist fighter against repression and demanding the unconditional release of all anti-imperialist prisoners in the world.

- 14 –
Everywhere we face bureaucracies of all kinds of workers’ organizations, bought and corrupted by big capital, the bourgeois nationalist, social-democratic and Stalinist trade union bureaucracy corrupted by the state that subjects the workers to its clique’s interests and the interests of the bourgeoisie and imperialism; to the leaderships of the piquetero (unemployed workers, NT) organizations that subdue the Argentine working class today contained by crumbs from begging administered by reformism and that, together with the union bureaucracy, impede the unity of the employed and unemployed workers and divide the working ranks. The unions, which were born to defend the economic interests of the workers, have been converted by the union bureaucracy - whose real base is the labor aristocracy - increasingly and over many decades, into apparatuses in charge of subjugating the workers to the bourgeoisie and its State for the benefit of that bureaucracy, collaborating with the redoubled worker impoverishment. We Trotskyists fight in the unions to eliminate their bureaucracy, conquer workers’ democracy, and we affirm that this is not possible without fighting for the total independence of the workers’ organizations from the bourgeois state that nationalizes and corrupts them.
We fight to impose workers’ democracy through factory committees, strike pickets, to renew the leaderships of the unions, resolutely proposing at critical moments militant leaders, and to win a revolutionary leadership for the unions.

- 15 –
We proclaim that every people that collaborates in oppressing another is unable to liberate itself. The imperialist bourgeoisies exercise colonial oppression against the remnants of their colonial empire (Puerto Rico, Northern Ireland, Martinique, Guadeloupe, New Caledonia ...) and are once again occupying dominated countries (Bosnia, Afghanistan, Iraq ...). We are for the independence of all protectorates and all colonies. Many peoples are supported by violence within the bourgeois state at the hands of a dominant people (Basques, Kurds, Kabyles, Tamils ...). We are categorically on the side of the oppressed and attacked Chechen nation, against the genocide that it suffers at the hands of Putin’s counterrevolutionary white army troops and the Russian bourgeoisie, agents of imperialism. We are for the right of national self-determination of oppressed peoples, including the right to separate if they so wish. In no case do we adapt to petty-bourgeois or bourgeois nationalism.
Only the recognition of the right to self-determination of the oppressed peoples ensures the unity of the proletariat. For the same reason, we stand for the freedom of movement and residence of the workers, for the complete equality of the rights of the proletarians.

- 16 –
We reaffirm the validity of Leninism-Trotskyism, of the program of the Fourth International, as a continuity of that school of revolutionary strategy that was the Third International of Lenin and Trotsky. It is from that strategic location that we call on all currents that say they are fighting for the interests of the working class, to break with the bourgeoisie and start the struggle for power based on the self-determination and armed organs of the masses.
In the process of this fight, we will be ready to develop any united front or unity of action with any working class current that is willing to take even one step forward to advance our class. But as Lenin would say, we are ready to strike together, but we march separately: before, during and after we will not give up in our criticism of the reformist leaderships that are forced to leave their luxurious offices and take the lead in mass action.

- 17 –
Stalinist and social democratic reformism poisons the workers with the pretense of reforming the capitalist state. It serves the plans of the bourgeoisie from the political and union apparatuses, ally itself with it for a “participatory” or “popular” democracy and loyally administers its state to prevent the proletarian revolution. Social Democrats and Stalinists are henchmen bought by the capitalist enemy.

- 18 –
Pseudo-Trotskyist centrism has spoken of revolution for fifty years while in practice subordinating itself to the reformist apparatuses. The Pabloite CI-SU, the Lambertist CI-AIT, the Morenoite LIT, UIT, MAS and CITO, the Hardyte UCI-LO, the Cliffite TSI, the CIT or Socialist Appeal - The Grantite Militant, the Altamirista MRCI, Lorista POR, etc., represent the surrender and the passage for the most part to the field of reformism.

- 19 –
Social democracy, Stalinism and the union bureaucracies have liquidated the most elementary working class principles and morals. The centrists, revisionists and liquidators of the Fourth International follow them on this path. The proletariat thirsts for frankness, honesty, devotion, for the broadest workers’ democracy. To discuss, to resolve and to act, workers and youth must banish from the workers’ organizations the method introduced by these leaderships that try to settle or silence political differences within the labor movement through slander, amalgam, and physical violence.

- 20 –
We affirm that the 21st century begins as the 20th century ended, as a time of crisis, wars and revolutions, revealing all the features of decaying capitalism.
Against all the revisionists of Trotskyism who want to download on the masses the responsibility for the defeats suffered and hide their own capitulations and betrayals saying that the problem is the “crisis of subjectivity” of the masses, the “backwardness of their conscience”, we affirm that the beginning of the 21st century confirms the central premise of the program of the Communist International and that of the Fourth International: without social revolution in the next historical period, the entire human civilization is threatened by catastrophe. Everything depends on the proletariat, that is, first of all, on its revolutionary vanguard: the historical crisis of humanity is reduced to the crisis of revolutionary leadership.

- 21 –
The convenors of this international conference pronounce ourselves on the need, for the revolutionary and internationalist nuclei,to build revolutionary workers parties and the world party of socialist revolution, starting from the forces that will decant towards the struggle of the masses. With such organizations, the proletarian insurrection can win, the world revolution can succeed, socialism can develop.

COLLECTIVE FOR AN INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF PRINCIPLED TROTSKYISM AND THE INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS ORGANIZATIONS

Communist Workers’ Group - Nueva Zelanda
Groupe Bolchevik pour la construction du Parti ouvrier révolutionnaire, de l’Internationale ouvrière révolutionnaire – Francia
Grupo Obrero Internacionalista (Fourth International) – Chile
Internationalist Workers League (Fourth International) - Democracia Obrera (Workers’ Democracy )- Argentina
Marxist Struggle – Peru